Monica Gogna¹

Over the last decade in Latin America, a vast amount of research has been carried out on the subject of women and work. However, research on women and labor unions has just recently begun.The reason for this lag is that the labor union has been and is a "man's world" (Humphrey, 1983). The sexual division of labor, segregation of the labor market, and the sexism of the labor unions has made it difficult for women to participate in union activity. Even labor unions primarily composed of women, such as teachers' unions and textile and garment workers' unions, are generally run by men.

Nevertheless, in many Latin American countries, the rate of women's unionization as well as women's participation in labor activities and decision-making within unions has increased (ILO, 1985).

Curiously, this process has attracted only the attention of female researchers who are specifically interested in gender issues². Most studies of the workers' movement overlook the growing participation of women in the labor market in spite of the fact that women's participation is widely recognized by analysts as one of the challenges facing labor unions in the 1980's.

The purpose of this article is to "make visible" women's participation in the labor union movement. Drawing on what little information is available, it reviews women's status in labor unions in several countries, focusing on women's organization and demands, and then looks at the case of Argentina in more specific terms.

First, however, it is necessary to examine how women's participation in the labor union movement has been treated in the literature in order to develop a framework for approaching the topic.

a brief review of the research

A review of studies of women's participation (or lack of it) in Latin American labor unions reveals an interesting change from the way the subject has been approached in the past. In the beginning the studies were primarily descriptive in nature, asking the question "why don't women organize?". For example, the book Realidad del empleo y la formacion profesional de la mujer en America Latina (Women's Employment Status and Professional Training in Latin America) contains a section entitled "Women and Labor Union Activity". Based on data from different countries, this section notes that women's participation in union activity is low, generally lower than men's, and is limited to the coordination of recreational activities. Factors that block women's greater participation include domestic responsibilities, lack of interest among women, and the total disregard for women's issues by labor unions (Chang & Ducci, 1977).

While this description reflects the general situation in the region, in some countries (particularly Brazil), women's increasing³ participation and organization in the labor movement not only have attracted more attention but also have led to new research approaches to the topic.

Research thus began to take on a broader perspective and to investigate the factors that had led to the emergence of "women's issues" as a labor union theme. In the case of Brazil, for example, this change is attributed as much to the revival of labor unions around 1978 as to the actions of the women's movement which gave more visibility to "women's issues" and helped legitimize them at the union level.

At the same time, the studies re-focused their attention from the question "why don't women organize?" to "where are women organized?" (Hartman Strom, 1983). Interest increased in identifying forms of women's participation in union movements that tend to be ignored in historical records. Interest also grew in more "institutionalized" activities, such as the formation of women's departments or women's conferences within different trade unions.

Furthermore, the addition of a feminist perspective encouraged a new reading of the issues which exist between women and labor unions. Research pointed out that in addition to women's exclusion, a point of contention between women and the unions was the different way women express themselves within the union due to cultural and existential differences (Souza Lobo, 1984). The underlining premise of this research was that, due to the reigning sexual division of labor in our societies and within the working class, the genders see and do things differently. In sum, "the working class has a sex, too" (op.cit).

Two assumptions underlay this work that are particularly relevant to our topic. The first assumption was that women's entry into a traditionally male environment could bring diversification to the content and conduct of labor union activities; i.e., women's awareness of their double roles as workers and consumers would generate more non-wage demands (daycare, humanistic work conditions, etc.) which are often overlooked by the male-led workers' movement (Baxandall, 1976). Abramo (1985) argues along the same line that women more strongly resist subordinating their personal life to their work lives. This resistance can translate into innovative demands, which are capable of affecting and transforming labor union practice. The second assumption was that, if experiences, forms of participation, and "issues" are somehow different for the sexes, the strategies the unions adopt to attract workers ought to reflect those differences.

organizations of women workers and their demands: some similarities

This section discusses the growing participation of women in labor unions which took place in many Latin American countries at the end of the 1970's and beginning of the 1980's. It is based on information from Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, and Argentina and is designed to show the common features of the different experiences. What we found is that the process of women's incorporation into unions is similar in these countries in spite of the diversity of political and economic contexts in which it occurs or the type of union involved (rural, factory or service workers):

1. The emergence of the "women's issue" in the labor unions resulted from a mix of factors. In the case of Bolivian rural workers, for example, the research notes: a. the increasing ideological autonomy of the peasant movement; b. the prior organizing experience of women in the mines during the 1960's; c. the work of rural development agencies; and d. the gender awareness of some intellectuals (Ardaya & Sostres, 1984). In Brazil and Argentina, respectively, the mobilization of women in the re-democratization period played an important role in creating a social climate that promoted the growing participation of women in the "public sphere". In Brazil, this procedure was accompanied by grassroots organizing led by progressives from the Catholic Church (through church community groups), the activities of the feminist movement and certain changes in union practices originating in Sao Paulo (Moreira Alves, 1987). In Argentina, the ties formed by some union leaders with women's movements during exile under the military dictatorship of 1976-1983 can also be included among the factors that led to the greater organization of women workers.
2. Another common feature of these countries is that the creation of organizations of women workers and conferences for these workers was usually initiated by union leaders. In the case of the Bolivian peasant movement, the organization of women was promoted by the Central Labor Confederation of Rural Workers of Bolivia (Confederacion Sindical Unica de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia/CSUTCB). In Chile, a women's section in the National Labor Coordinator (Coordinacion Nacional Sindical) was formed in order to augment women's participation in the struggle against the dictatorship (Galvez & Todaro, 1985). The now renowned First Congress of Women Metallurgists (1978), a decisive point in the organization of Brazilian female workers, was sponsored by the male leadership of the San Bernardo labor union.
3. Gradually, women's sections in unions and conferences for women workers have generated concern and commitment to gender issues. In Bolivia, for example, this is apparent when comparing the resolutions of different meetings of the Bartolina Sisa National Federation of Peasant Women (Federacion Nacional de Mujeres Campesinas). At the Federation's first Congress in 1980, gender-related demands were hardly raised. At the second Congress in 1983, the women proclaimed their right and duty to participate alongside men in political parties and labor unions, to control their bodies and their lives, and to have greater access to education and representation for domestic workers.
4. In several cases, women unionists developed a strategy that included not only forming women's sections and/or women worker centrals, but waging an internal struggle to attain leadership positions within the union. Regarding the first point, the formation of these sections was always a controversial strategy for both men and women. Those who supported their creation argued that they would serve to organize women and create awareness about women in the unions; those opposed to this strategy maintained that their creation would result in the further isolation of women within the union (TIE, 1984).
5. The demands of women workers generally revolve around: a. the fulfillment of certain rights such as equal pay for equal work, job stability, training, daycare, non-discrimination on the basis of marital status, etc. and, b. women's incorporation in union management and the formation of union sections to deal with problems of women workers. The emphasis on one demand or another varied according to political, economic, and cultural factors and the level of development of the women's movement in the particular country.
6. In the last few years, women unionists have occasionally undertaken joint actions with other women's movements. For example, in Bolivia, the organization of peasant women presented a petition to the Sixth Congress of the Bolivian Workers Central (Central Obrera Boliviana/COB) along with the housewives committees of the Catavi and Siglo XX mines and of some working class districts of La Paz. In Argentina, union women took joint actions with other women's groups in defense of human rights, to celebrate International Women's Day, and to promote changes in paternal custody laws (1985). In Chile, the Women's Day for Life (1983) was co-organized by women workers and various women's groups. Organizations of women workers in Brazil have ties with public agencies that work on women's issues such as the State Council on the Status of Women, Sao Paulo, which has a Labor Union Committee to carry out activities to eliminate employment discrimination against women.
7. While the number of women in union leadership positions is not proportional to their involvement in worker struggles or to their membership in unions, women are gaining more access to decision making positions in some countries. In Brazil, various studies show the emergence of women leaders in both urban and rural areas (Moreira Alves, 1987; Goulart, 1987). In Argentina, the change brought about by the renewal of labor union authority in 1984 also seems to have favored women. Although existing information does not permit systematic comparison of the gender composition of union leaders, some data suggests a greater presence of women officials.⁴ However, research also indicates the persistence of a sexual division of labor in unions, with women relegated to minor or mechanical tasks. It also shows that women have increased their union activity at the cost of transforming their "double workday" into a "triple" one.

Argentina: a case study

Women's membership in Argentinean labor unions has followed the general regional pattern. While women participate in the delegate bodies (in different percentages depending on the union), they are basically absent from the leadership. In the political blocks of the Argentine labor movement there are no female spokespersons or representatives. Nor does labor support any female member of the current Parliament (Rosenzvaig, 1987). Nevertheless, since the return of civilian government in 1983, women's membership in labor unions and the organization of women workers has grown. This occurred for several reasons.

First, many labor unions, primarily in the service sector, formed women's sections in order to strengthen women's participation and increase their access to leadership positions. The training of women organizers and delegates with an eye on future union elections is one of the aims of these sections. Their formation, however, was usually preceded by an intense debate on the suitability of relying on "separate spaces". Many women activists and leaders were not initially concerned with women's problems. Those who supported the creation of women's sections in the unions argued that because women have "particular" demands (basically linked to working conditions, training, and family responsibilities), separate organizations for women are indispensable for the time being.

Second, at the end of 1984 an intra-union women's organization was created. Women unionists from some twelve trade unions created the Mesa de Mujeres Sindicalistas (Women's Labor Union Platform) to work together to promote women's membership in their organizations, to condemn the isolation of women workers and to claim fair and equitable participation for women members in their trade unions. The purpose of the Platform was: a. to create awareness of discrimination against women in the job market and in society; b. to promote activities which draw attention to the double workload of women; and c. to urge the formation of women's departments in the unions (Women's Labor Union Platform, 1986)⁵.

In addition to these institutional initiatives, women appear to have increased their participation in union activities, particularly in training courses, according to informed sources. The information on labor union elections after the return of democracy also suggests a certain improvement in the status of women in union management.

labor union practices and demands: the women's perspective

As previously noted, much of the research on the relationship between women and labor unions suggests that women's membership could generate change in the content and aims of union policies. The following information from Argentina can shed light on this assumption. The data is from a 1986 survey of union leaders of both sexes on social, political, and trade union matters⁶. The sample was composed of 445 people, 16% of whom were women. The responses were sex disaggregated to determine women's viewpoints on union affairs and whether their demands and perceptions differed from the men's. While this material cannot sufficiently cover a matter of this nature, it is an interesting start. The trends identified in the survey, however, should be explored in more detail with other types of research. The survey indicates:

• There was no difference in the response of men and women on questions related to labor union structure, the relationship between labor unions and politics, or the role attributed to the labor unions, although women were more favorable to changes in some union practices, as noted below.
• There was considerable difference by gender with respect to desirable levels and mechanisms of worker participation, both in the workplace and in the union. More women than men believed that workers should participate in decision making within the union (94.4% and 89.5% respectively). More women than men also favored use of the "co-management" alternative as a better mechanism for participation.Women were more critical than men about the responsibility of the union for the low membership rates among young people. Opinions also differed regarding the way to attract more women to join labor unions: 20% of the women chose the option of "daycare", while only 5% of the men did. Women in turn gave less importance to training courses as a way to increase their membership, perhaps indicating the lack of union training adapted and designed for women.
• Regarding the need to democratize labor union conduct, the women agreed more than the men with some measures that would curb authority at the top and give more to local representatives. Furthermore, women favored more than the men "other changes" (than what the survey proposed). This fact reinforces the idea that women tend to have their "own" vision of the labor union, an idea which needs more investigation.
• There was a lower consensus among women regarding the nature of the connections between labor unions and other social sectors (government, church, university, armed forces, etc.). When the women were asked to characterize these relationships they consistently chose the option "good" in lower percentages than the men. Complementarily, they indicated more often than men that there was no connection between the labor unions and these other sectors. What does this different perception of labor union isolation mean? Does it simply reflect the scarce presence of women in the leadership of the worker movement or does it reveal a greater sense of reality, a more self-critical stance? This is another question to consider in future research.
• Women's responses to the questions regarding their greater participation, human rights, and military reform were very specific. Women chose in greater proportion than men those options that implied a change in cultural patterns and/or more consciousness-raising and educational activities.
• Finally, the survey results discounted the stereotypical notion of women's strong conservatism. Specifically, the proportion of women in favor of workers participating in company decision-making was greater than the proportion of men. Women indicated in greater number than men that the influence of the church should be restricted to religious matters. Women were more favorably inclined to the passage of laws permitting legal marital separation. And, women, more than men, favored punishing the military responsible for human rights violations and reforming the armed forces.

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