The Manuela Ramos Movement
This is almost the entire text of a booklet produced by the Manuela Ramos Movement based in Lima, Peru. The booklet describes and assesses a one-year training program with working-class women which was carried out in 1981. Manuela Ramos remains dedicated to this type of work with grassroots women's groups through neighborhood organization, training and the production of popular education materials.
What is Manuela Ramos?
We are a feminist organization based on the recognition that the exploitation and oppression of women is rooted in the socio-economic structures and patriarchal ideology that characterize society. We therefore believe that women themselves must adopt new attitudes and find their own ways of changing their situation. Through discussion and the search for a new female identity, the Manuela Ramos Movement aims towards the fuller participation of women in the social, cultural, economic and political life of the country based on each woman's consciousness of her own specific situation.
To do this we believe in the importance of linking up with grassroots women's organizations in order to discuss problems and formulate specific demands, as well as to break traditional patterns of isolation.
We see feminism as a means of reevaluating women by creating the conditions in which they can more fully develop and forge their own identity through an understanding and analysis of their own situation. Feminism has introduced a new perspective to working with women, for instance showing how sexuality, as the supposed meeting point for biological differences, has been used to justify discrimination. It has reclaimed emotional feelings as an important expression of a person's whole being, and questioned serving others as a "natural" female activity.
Feminism also stands against the perception of women as objects, and asserts the need to break the division between private and public spheres in favor of a more communal way of living. On the basis of these assumptions, from the beginning the Manuela Ramos Movement has upheld the value of women getting together to discuss their perceptions of such problems with women from other sectors. One of the ways in which we do this is through training.
What do we mean by training?
By training we don't simply mean the acquisition of a set of knowledge or certain technical skills; but the development of the critical and creative faculties which permit an analysis of reality and an awareness aimed at transforming existing conditions. Training signifies a strategy and a choice of work directed towards the construction of a feminist theory for our country reached through collective effort.
This is done through discussion with participants about their concerns, anxieties and the elements they consider important for working from the perspective of women's liberation. A year's work is needed to allow for the commitment and cohesion of the group so vital for the development of our methodology.
One of our primary concerns is how to present feminist ideas to other women, finding themes to motivate their interest and so justify their participation in a training program. In order to find out the range of interests of potential participants in 1981 we distributed questionnaires in some of the shanty towns of Lima.
Why the shanty towns?
One of the main priorities of the Manuela Ramos Movement is to work with women from the poor sectors of society, especially in the shanty towns where they have access only to very traditional training programs. For instance, courses for housewives are always directed at the fulfillment of domestic tasks with little, if any, chance of economic benefits.
Poor women are active in local public services: they clean the streets, burn the rubbish, take part in measures for acquiring water and light, run communal eating places and help in the construction of health clinics, schools and community centers. Yet despite this kind of collective participation they remain marginalized, rarely reaching any decision-making position in the neighborhood. Under these conditions assessment of their work and personal lives, as well as their organizational experience, provides a good basis for them to assume a new critical and creative role in running their organizations.
Methodology
Our methodology stems from an analysis of each individual's experiences as a means toward questioning the traditional images imposed upon us by society. We believe this is possible when learning is approached not just as an intellectual exercise, but as a varied means of gaining access to knowledge, through our bodies, through emotion, intellect and action, taking into account the totality of a person in relation to their social environment.
The objective of our courses during 1981 were formulated on three levels: personal, informational and organizational. By personal we mean linked to the daily lives of women through knowledge and understanding of their own bodies, their sexuality and the roles they play as people, mothers and citizens. The informational side was a direct response to the demands expressed in questionnaires, concerning aspects of health, primary education and neighborhood organization. In terms of our organization we devised alternative strategies for various types of action which the women wished to carry out, such as running childcare centers, eating places or training programs. We chose to work with groups that demonstrated a previous deliberate interrelationship with women and were prepared for us to follow up their organizing work in the future. Those groups who agreed to develop the training then had the responsibility for selecting individual women to participate in the courses. The only other requirement was a commitment to punctual attendance of all work sessions throughout the course.
Once we had defined the peripheries of our work we began to look for points of personal contact. This involved taking part in assemblies, work reunions and other meetings in order to gain acceptance toward the proposed work of Manuela Ramos in different neighborhood institutions. During this stage we made an environmental diagnosis of each neighborhood, identifying women's specific demands for the training program.
Themes for the content of the courses were selected on the basis of what we could provide as a whole movement, assuming collective responsibility for the contents according to our own resources rather than relying on specialists, thus guaranteeing our independence in terms of ideology and methods of work. Other criteria were 1) to consider every single work session at the physical, intellectual and emotional level and 2) to introduce pleasure into the learning process to counteract the idea of it as something tedious and difficult.
In every course we tried to integrate themes of interest to the women with themes which we as a feminist movement had defined as necessary for the advancement of reflection on the problems of poor women: female sexuality, women as people, female identity, sex roles, the economic value of domestic labor, the position of women under Peruvian law, women as educators and the social role of women in local neighborhoods. The greatest challenge was how to get across our ideas in a way that would allow the active and creative involvement of all participants without using traditional teaching methods.
We applied a combination of techniques based on working in small groups which gave the maximum opportunity for each woman to speak up.
Each group had its own monitor whose role was not to impose any set direction but to help motivate, organize and synthesize the development of its collective work. The work, involving discussion through drama, the elaboration of collages, games and audiovisuals, was recorded in terms of the group's functioning as well as its achievements, thus making it possible for each session to be assessed as a collective effort.
Groups - usually four or five with a maximum of eight women in each - were never permanent, so that participants had the chance to work with all their compañeras and also with different monitors during the course.
Each course consisted of 16 sessions of three hours each, twice a week in various locations throughout the community. A set of guidelines was compiled for each session, responsibility for which belonged to the woman in charge of that session. The task was taken on voluntarily on a rotation system working together with the monitors who made up the team and developed the theme of the neighborhood. Individual guidelines outlined the development of each session step by step, including its aims, contents and planned implementation, the use of time, suggestions for group monitors and back-up materials. Guidelines, once completed, were always discussed by the training committee before their application.
Practice
Characteristics of Course Participants
During 1981 we worked with about 100 women from four different shanty towns. Two areas took health as their theme while the others chose to work on the issues of women and neighborhood organization and bringing up children.
The age of participants ranged from 15 to 70, the majority being between 30 and 40. Most of them were married with four to six children. In general their primary education had been incomplete and a few were illiterate. The small number who did paid work were vendors, either in a small shop or market stall, or else itinerant sellers, or domestic workers paid by the hour. A few were also hairdressers working from home.
Initial Self-Perceptions
The first session involved a kind of introductory interview for each participant concerning issues such as work, aims and aspirations in life and self-perception. This stage, the validity of which we first tested among our compañeras in Manuela Ramos, indicated the level of consciousness which they had of their position as women at the beginning of the course. Below is a summary of participants' responses.
To the question "What work do you do?", women only ever mentioned paid work. Such was their ideological conception of labor that housework, even though it constituted the major activity around which they organized their lives, was not counted as work.
To "What do you consider the most important achievement of your life?", few made any reference to marriage. The majority referred to motherhood although some mentioned study, relationships with local people, the fight for survival and the possession of territory. Few replies expressed a conscious recognition of failure or frustration, even though feelings of frustration were implied.
"What would you most like to achieve in life?" provoked the answer work, followed by education, both seen in relation to family life. A small minority mentioned changes for the benefit of the neighborhood, town or country.
To "What is the worst thing that has ever happened to you?", personal suffering caused by the illness or death of loved ones usually came up, along with maltreatment by husbands in the form of humiliation, pain and general aggression. Women also indicated their own failures and lack of understanding, for instance in not being able to support all their children through lack of education, professional qualifications and general opportunities of earning a living.
After stating that "in society today there are different possibilities for women and men," we asked participants what they thought were the advantages and disadvantages of being a woman. Many couldn't understand the question and had to ask for clarification. Their replies reveal certain contradictions.
Under advantages came: family support, being offered seats on public transport, not working, being patient and understanding, knowing how to do domestic tasks and bring up children and being a mother... The inconveniences were: lack of work for women in favor of men. difficulties of working when you have children, loss of original family name, the fact that men are shown more respect when it comes to defending the family in times of trouble, the risks of going out alone at dawn, only being seen in terms of sex, and the tyranny of husbands. The various replies revealed how women had total responsibility for taking care of their children and home. A few claimed that women suffered "no inconveniences."
When we asked the question "What do you most like about yourself?", they found great difficulty in relating the answers to themselves, thus indicating very low self-esteem. The few who managed to reply referred largely to traditional virtues like humility and charity, as perpetuated by the Church. Other qualities listed were understanding, rectitude, honesty, and respect for marriage and children. Several women said they had never thought about it and didn't know how to qualify the question in terms of themselves.
"What do you most dislike about yourself?" provoked a much more ready reaction. Most spoke of daily emotional responses, usually in relation to their children, for instance being grouchy, angry or nervous: "I'm too weak to educate my children, too submissive... unstable... too trusting... bad-tempered... lacking patience." They also mentioned problems in communicating: "I'm shy... I don't have any friends... I never say much... I can't stop wanting to caress my children all the time." There was scarcely a reference to physical appearance except occasionally from younger women.
Answers in respect to the image they had of their neighborhood and how they might want to implement certain demands, divided into two groups: the need for basic services such as water, light, drainage and the paving of streets and paths; and for complementary services in the form of health and recreation facilities, telephones, nurseries and low policing. In spite of their active participation in various campaigns to improve local living conditions, few women showed any awareness of their social weight in the community let alone the world outside.
Evaluation of the courses
It is impossible to convey all that happened and was said, but we present below an account of the evaluation made by participants on the health course and the course which dealt with raising children.
Our main questions were: "What have you found most informative, if anything? Have you identified your mistakes and, if so, what were they? Have you discovered concrete ideas which you can apply to your own life?"
In terms of health the replies included: "I always thought the coil (lUD) was harmful... I thought the fetus sucked its mother's blood... I want to learn how to do injections... how to deal with illness." Raising children provoked the desire to "know how to treat them... to develop their minds... not to hit them... to respect them and control my emotions."
Women clearly wanted to understand their children's needs in terms of play and affection. With adolescents they also wanted to know how to overcome embarrassment about sex education.
As far as their situation as women went they were interested in understanding their bodies and learning about contraception; thinking about what it means to be a woman, wife, mother; and women's rights, the value of housework and relations with their husbands. This last theme inspired comments such as "my husband is like a boss... before I felt humble but now I can be strong and say what I think... women weren't born to simply stay in the kitchen, we have the right to work and advance ourselves... I want to study to be somebody and work toward a reassessment of myself as a woman."
In relation to neighborhood organization remarks included were: "I've learned how to relate to my compañeras... I understand the meaning of democratic learning... how to coordinate ideas at the grassroots... we need to unite ourselves in a concrete struggle for the benefit of all the shanty towns... now we talk and have meetings in the neighborhood whereas before we never even went out."
Since the beginning they clearly revealed a much greater self-esteem. Replies to the question "Have you gained a better understanding of yourself?" included: "I realize my value as a person... a woman is as valid as an man... no one should abuse anybody... women have the right to work and to go out instead of just being shut in... I didn't know anything about myself or the value of my work before."
They said the courses had clarified their understanding of oppression by husbands: "I've suffered so much in the hands of my husband who goes out with his girlfriends and comes back and shouts and beats me up ... Why should I suffer? I must leave him."
They spoke of their abilities to learn and change their own attitudes and behavior: "Sometimes I feel good with my husband ... I feel peaceful and content at home, pleased to forget the problems the house... I didn't realize there was any alternative. I don't know how to read or write which alienates me from my children... Now I feel I can solve my problems. I feel much more eager and interested... I'm so much happier at home now. I realize how desperate one can get... Now I know what is right whereas before I said anything without thinking."
Many women referred to new feelings of security, escape from isolation and overcoming fear to take initiatives and speak up in a group: "I was afraid to express myself, even reading my own letters, but now I feel so much more secure and confident... I never used to speak to any adults or attend any kind of club... I was always afraid to communicate but now I want to go out and teach others what I've learned... I'm no longer afraid to say what I think."
Several women said that they had learned to make decisions and take action towards changing their situations: "Now I can defend myself. I feel much stronger and more energetic. I can leave my son without his lunch since he's grown-up and doesn't work... I've decided to leave my husband... I know what to say to him when he comes to me with his complaints... I was afraid of the coil (lUD) but now I want to use it. "
It's also worth noting that some women reported positive reactions to their new found confidence from their husbands, such as "I used to cry when my husband grumbled at me but now I answer back and he calls me 'valient'." and had to ask for clarification. Their replies reveal certain contradictions.
Under advantages came: family support, being offered seats on public transport, not working, being patient and understanding, knowing how to do domestic tasks and bring up children and being a mother... The inconveniences were: lack of work for women in favor of men, difficulties of working when you have children, loss of original family name, the fact that men are shown more respect when it comes to defending the family in times of trouble, the risks of going out alone at dawn, only being seen in terms of sex, and the tyranny of husbands. The various replies revealed how women had total responsibility for taking care of their children and home. A few claimed that women suffered "no inconveniences."
When we asked the question "What do you most like about yourself?", they found great difficulty in relating the answers to themselves, thus indicating very low self-esteem. The few who managed to reply referred largely to traditional virtues like humility and charity, as perpetuated by the Church. Other qualities listed were understanding, rectitude, honesty, and respect for marriage and children. Several women said they had never thought about it and didn't know how to qualify the question in terms of themselves."
"What do you most dislike about yourself?" provoked a much more ready reaction. Most spoke of daily emotional responses, usually in relation to their children, for instance being grouchy, angry or nervous: "I'm too weak to educate my children, too submissive... unstable... too trusting... bad-tempered... lacking patience." They also mentioned probems in communicating: "I'm shy... I don't have any friends... I never say much... I can't stop wanting to caress my children all the time." There was scarcely a reference to physical appearance except occasionally from younger women.
Answers in respect to the image they had of their neighborhood and how they might want to implement certain demands, divided into two groups: the need for basic services such as water, light, drainage and the paving of streets and paths; and for complementary services in the form of health and recreation facilities, telephones, nurseries and low policing. In spite of their active participation in various campaigns to improve local living conditions, few women showed any awareness of their social weight in the community let alone the world outside.
Evaluation of the courses
It is impossible to convey all that happened and was said, but we present below an account of the evaluation made by participants on the health course and the course which dealt with raising children.
Our main questions were: "What have you found most informative, if anything? Have you identified your mistakes and, if so, what were they? Have you discovered concrete ideas which you can apply to your own life?"
In terms of health the replies included: "I always thought the coil (lUD) was harmful... I thought the fetus sucked its mother's blood... I want to learn how to do injections... how to deal with illness." Raising children provoked the desire to "know how to treat them... to develop their minds... not to hit them... to respect them and control my emotions."
Conclusions
Methodology
We would like to emphasize the value of group sessions, both as a way of working and a model for any proposed action. However, to operate well as a team it is essential to first consolidate your ideology and precise objectives. We believe that the personal commitment of every member of Manuela Ramos in this respect was fundamental to our achievements.
The use of different techniques in the course contents was also very important toward keeping up the interest and creative contributions of participants, as was our approach to learning based on each and every woman's own reality. This meant that everyone felt responsible for the results stemming from their everyday experiences, behavior and tasks.
We believe that taking our bodies as a starting point for discussion was a perfect way of providing the space for women to speak about their worries and experiences of their own sexuality, questioning imposed myths and beliefs surrounding our right to receive pleasure.
The mixture of characteristics among participants in terms of age, activity and level of education didn't limit the development of courses, but rather enriched our analysis and reflection.
Practical results
As well as achieving a new level of self-esteem and conquering fear of talking about their experiences, most women began to analyze their situation of exploitation and oppression towards changing their family environment and, in some cases, the wider system outside. They learned basic information about health and infant education which should help them in the course of their daily lives.
In terms of concrete organization, at the time of writing many women are in the process of redefining the objectives and practice of their respective committees and clubs in order to improve and increase their scope for action. And some women have already set up kindergartens and eating places for young children, along with training courses for people in their communities.
Looking back on our work during 1981 we are convinced that the active and regular attendance of so many women, together with the type of work they are developing in the community, stems from the basic focus of our courses on "women's problems".