Nicaragua: Victory & After
On July 19 1979 the Sandinista Front for National Liberation (FSNL) guerilla army marched into Managua, the capital of Nicaragua. Thirty per cent of the FSNL soldiers were and still are women. Their victory hailed the downfall of Anastasio Somoza, the last in line of the Somoza family which had ruled Nicaragua for forty years It also signified an overthrow of the power of the United States which, through its support of rulers such as Somoza, had effectively controlled the country for over 100 years, and which continues to control other countries of the region such as El Salvador
The role of the women's organisation in this struggle was vital, and continues to be very strong today. In 1977 women got together to denounce the repression in the concentration camps, the mass murder of peasants and the rape of peasant women. From this, an organisation was born : AMPRONAC • Asociacidn de Mujeres ante la Problemdtica Nacional (Association of women confronting the national problem). After the war, AMPROMAC was re-formed into AMNLAE - Asociacidn de Mujeres Nicaraguenses Luisa Amanda Espinoza, named after the first woman martyred in the FSLN, and a working class woman. The name represents an identification of the women's movement with working class ideas
Most of the text which follows is taken from Women in Nicaragua published by the Nicaraguan Solidarity Campaign, 20 Compton Terrace, London N. 1, UK (June 1980). It is originally published in French in the brochure Femmes au Nicaragua by the Collectif Femmes Nicaragua, Paris (see Resources below
Unable to support their families, some husbands abandon them. There is a very high number of single mothers and deserted wives.
Nicaragua is a small central American country of two and a half million people. Its neighbours are Honduras, El Salvador and Guatemala in the north, Costa Rica and Panama in the south. Several times it has been devastated by earthquakes - 12.000 people died and 60.000 houses were destroyed in the 1972 earthquake.
For over half a century Nicaragua has been kept in a state of extreme under-development by the hereditary dictatorship of one family, the Somoza's — installed, armed and protected by the United States.
By the time of the most recent Somoza, Anastasio Somoza Debayle, the family controlled a huge part of the Nicaraguan economy : nearly one third of the cultivable land, the majority of the most profitable industries, the import and export trade, and transport. A great deal of the family's wealth derived directly from speculation and corruption in the years following the 1972 earthquake in Managua. Much of the International aid that flew into the country after the disaster went directly into the pocket of Somoza and the National Guard. Before the reconstruction of the city began, the entire government hierarchy embarked on a land-buying spree. Somoza's own business interests were everywhere : his cement and roofing materials were used for the new houses and offices, and his companies took a large slice of the building work on the new city.
While Somoza's personal fortune approached the US$1,000
million mark, the majority of the population were living in conditions of extreme poverty. Nearly two-thirds of the rural population were illiterate, 54 per cent of houses were without safe drinking water, 59 per cent were without electricity. In the rural areas 69 per cent of houses had dirt floors. In the urban areas 74 per cent had no sewerage facilities. Mortality from gastroenteritis, dysentry and typhoid ranked second highest in central America and malnutrition was widespread with nearly half the registered deaths being of children under the age of five.
A little more than half the population lived in the countryside. Many of these were very poor peasants, struggling to survive on tiny plots of land. The development of coffee,
cotton and sugar exports in the last twenty years meant the expulsion of many of these peasants from their land. They became part of an itinerant agricultural workforce engaged in seasonal work on the big plantations. Women and children made up a large proportion of these workers. Among those peasants who still possessed their land, the men were increasingly forced to look elsewhere for work, leaving the women and children to cultivate the meagre holding. The poor living that this provided meant that many women took work as domestics for the big landowners.
Unable to support their families, some husbands abandon them. There is a very high number of single mothers and deserted wives.
The last four years of the regime were marked by an unprecedented crisis. Declining investment, flight of capital, galloping inflation, and corruption throughout the Somoza administration had pushed the patience of the Nicaraguan people to the limit. As opposition to the regime developed and the influence of the FSLN (Frente Sandinista de Liberacion Nacional - Sandinista National Liberation Front) grew, Somoza resorted more and more to bloody repression. With the country under martial law, all constitutional guarantees suspended and strict press censorship, Somoza and his National Guard waged a campaign of terror. This was aimed especially at the countryside, the FSLN's base of support. The National Guard used Vietnam-style tactics to burn out whole areas in the north and east of the country, driving thousands of peasants off their land in order to create "free fire" zones in which the guerillas would be unable to survive. Hundreds of peasants were tortured, imprisoned or murdered in this brutal offensive. This was Somoza's Nicaragua.
With the overthrow of Somoza the people of Nicaragua inherited a country in ashes. Entire cities had been devastated. Many hospitals lay in ruins. Schools, long neglected by Somoza, were partly destroyed. Out of a population of 2.5 million, 40.000 people were dead and 100.000 wounded, 40.000 children orphaned, and 200.000 families homeless. Almost half the population had little or no food.
Within two weeks of the victory the women's movement began once again to reorganise. Its aim was to draw the largest possible number of women into the revolutionary process. The organisation would have to include women workers, women peasants, women fighters, and housewives. By April 1980 they had gained 17.000 members in more than twelve towns.
Ampronac became AMNLAE, the Asociacio'n de Mujeres Nicaraguenses "Luisa Amanda Espinoza" (Association of Nicaraguan Women "Luisa Amanda Espinoza") - named after the first woman militant of the FSLN to fall in combat.
AMNLAE argues that full equality for women, the full integration of women into society, can only be achieved through the consolidation of the revolution. They insist, therefore, that women must combine working to overcome the inequality of women in social and political life with working for the general reconstruction of the country.
The Association participate actively in all the major national campaigns, sending its members throughout the country for the coffee and cotton harvests, the literacy campaign, the vaccination programmes.
With regard to women specifically, priority is given to the integration of women into production — with equal wages and conditions — and to the establishment of child care centres in every town. The Association is also committed to overcoming the historical cultural marginalisation of women. This is one reason why so much emphasis is given to the literacy campaign. It was of course women whose access to even the most elementary education was most limited in the past.
Building a mass women's organisation is the policy of the FSLN. The FSLN wants to "organise and mobilise the masses" as the chief means to guarantee the defence of the revolution and as the next step needed to carry the revolution forward. The vehicles for this organisation are the Sandinista Defence Committees (CDS), the Sandinista Workers' Federation (CST), the Agricultural Workers' Association and AMNLAE.
Nevertheless AMNLAE remains as an autonomous organisation. It is based on local committees which organise women by street, neighbourhood, work-place or village. The discussions in the local groups are open. In view of the various levels of political consciousness and the often miserable conditions of daily life, the debates are often diverse, ranging from how to keep children healthy and what is best for them to eat, to the causes of women's oppression and machismo.
The prestige gained by the women's organisation in the streets, on the barricades and now in the tasks of reconstruction, has ensured AMNLAE of a place in the newly-formed Council of State. This will work as a consultative and legislative body subordinate to the FSLN-led Junta of National Reconstruction.
INTERVIEW WITH GLORIA CARRION, MEMBER OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF AMNLAE MANAGUA, OCTOBER 1979
Three months after victory, what are the aims of AMNLAE ?
The main aim is to maintain the mobilisation of women around the defence and consolidation of the revolution. We are establishing the outlines of the Association's work and improving its organisation at the national level. We have to consolidate a structure which mobilises women and gives them the means to take part in production — notably via the 'Child Development Centres' (we prefer this name to creches, because we don't want them to be simply nurseries). This corresponds to the needs of women who are already working, and who leave their children in the care of the eldest sister, or pay someone, or even leave them on their own.
We also want women to become more conscious of their importance in society at the level of governmental responsibilities, political and military struggles, and in the Sandinista defence committees (CDSs). With regard to the integration of women into production, we have a plan in conjunction with the International Metalworkers Federation and International Labour Organisation to set up production schemes linked to skill-training centres. In a few months, for instance, several such schemes will be operating : a poultry-rearing unit, clothing workshops (to make army and school uniforms among other things). We would like to see the large number of domestic servants bequeathed to us by the preceeding regime integrated into more productive work — secretarial and the like.
Can you be more precise about the creches and the functioning of the skill-training centres ?
We already have four development centres for children at Jinotepe, Matagalpa, Managua and Leon — 100 children at Jinopete and 35 at Matagalpa, where the necessary facilities already exist. We are in the process of training several women to run the creches, with courses in hygiene and nutrition, and political and technical education.
As for the production centres, there is already a clothing workshop at Esteli which employs 60 women and will have 100 in two months time. Women must play an active role 100 in two months time. Women must play an active role in society, equal to men. Women's struggle is part and parcel of the struggle for a new society. We also want women to be able to learn, develop politically, and cultivate their minds.
Can you outline for me the present situation of women in Can you outline for me the present situation of women in the family ?
In general they get married or start living with someone In general they get married or start living with someone around 17 or 18, although that depends on their social class : they get married later in well-to-do circles. They have six children on average. In the popular areas in the towns the woman is head of the family. You come across a majority of single women with children. It's the phenomenon of'irresponsible paternity'. Hence their big involvement in the course of the struggle, for they were already used to taking decisions in difficult situations. They already had to fight every day as sales assistants, domestics, seamstresses. In the middle classes they would, for instance, be teachers - a very badly paid sector.
In the countryside the family is more stable. The man has more authority over the children. The woman's involvement is secondary in big family decisions, as it is in rural labour. There are very few single women in the countryside. Unfortunately,all this is a personal assessment. There are no exact figures, since the statistics of the previous regime were nonexistent or untrustworthy.
What happens about divorce?
It's a frequent occurrence. But the law is unjust. The man can It's a frequent occurrence. But the law is unjust. The man can take the children away without the woman's consent. The woman can't. The man can dispose of the children, the woman can't. Men pay no alimony, or hardly any. The man can have his wife put in prison for adultery. In short, it's still a case of 'irresponsible paternity'.
Even now ?
Even now ?Now, of course, it's different; if there are problems AMNLAE intervenes.
How significant is prostitution ?
How significant is prostitution ?I can't exactly say. There is a lot of it in the towns, and above all the parts like Corinto, but it is not the same situation as in prerevolutionary Cuba.
What proposals does AMNLAE have on abortion ?
What proposals does AMNLAE have on abortion ?There is no open discussion of the subject. The struggle for education and free health care is more significant, is seen as more of a priority, for the first problem is to ensure that children survive.
But surely there are still many abortions. Because women But surely there are still many abortions. Because women don't talk about it, that doesn't mean that it doesn't exist For instance, in Mexico, where health and living conditions are very similar, there are nevertheless two million clandestine abortions a year...
Of course there are clandestine abortions. The right to abortion is a legitimate struggle, but at the moment it doesn't represent the concerns of the majority of women. So far we haven't instituted a law. Personally I think that abortions should be carried out as of right in the clinics
... and free ?...... and free ?...
I myself think it should be free for the poor and not for the others who have money. This problem will be posed with the development of the women's movement.
Were there forced sterilisations under Somoza ?
On the face of it I don't think so; but we have our doubts On the face of it I don't think so; but we have our doubts and will have to make enquiries on this score. The Association's plan is to organise family planning, free contraception without restrictions under medical control.
Do you have plans for sexual education ?
Yes, of course; this is part of any education, political and cultural
What is the situation with regard to discrimination on pay ?
Such discrimination was in principle punishable by law...But is existed, of course. There are many badly paid women in the labour force; children also, from the age of 10.
What position do women have in the trade unions ?
What position do women have in the trade unions ?Objectively they participate to an important degree in the unions, but they don't stick up for themselves enough. There is no specific struggle by women in the unions. It has to been couraged. In the Sandinista movement the experience of trade union struggle is a new one.
How much are women involved in the Sandinista defence committees ?
Very much so; in the popular quarters there are more women than men. There are fewer in the better off areas.
And in the army ?
Women make up 25 per cent of the army. Women played a big part in the armed struggle. Some supporters of Ampronac (the former name of the AMNLAE) joined the army during the fighting and have stayed in it. Others left it to do political work. It was the youngest women who got involved in the fighting. The association itself tends to be more representative of women in the 28-40 age group. But all the women in the association demand military training. All mass organisations should in any case undergo such training.
How in actual fact does the integration of women into the How in actual fact does the integration of women into the army take place ?
The batallions are mixed. But there are also women's companies.They share the same sleeping quarters as men. During the war everyone lived together behind the barricades. There weren't any problems because there was no question of sexual relations. Now there could be problems of promiscuity.But the best defenders of women's equality among the men are the rank-and-file fighters who learnt to recognise their work.
How do you conceive of the autonomy of your association ?
We are organically autonomous. We function democratically, but at the same time this corresponds to a project of the FSLN, which considers that women have a struggle of their own to conduct, that they have to win their rights in society. The FSLN has decided to allocate resources to take this struggle forward.
INTERVIEW WITH ROSA MENDOZA AMNLAE MANAGUA, APRIL 1980
After the struggle against the dictatorship, which showed the active participation of women, has there been notable change in the relationship between the sexes : in the way men consider women, and in the attitude that women have to themselves
There has been a change in the way things are seen... a seed was sown and is now bearing fruit. Women are now conscious that they cannot remain passive in the face of the process that is developing. But heavy resistance still has to be overcome. We have not yet fully broken with the old schemas. We have only started.
The women from the neighbourhoods would like to participate, for instance, in the activities of the CDS, but they have very big difficulties to confront - cleaning, child care, etc. - and they feel frustrated. I must add that even the comrades that have leadership responsibilities at the local level also have to face problems. Their husbands don't want them to take part in the meetings. Often we are asked how they could integrate their men into the activity, thus solving the problem indirectly. Recently a comrade told me : "My husband gave me an ultimatum — I give you two months to sort out the situation. I don't want either to leave my husband or the Association. Maybe I will take him along to meetings. Then he will be able to understand, and consequently will release his ideas on the role of women."
All these obstacles don't seem to have blocked the development of your Association. Could you give us an idea about what it effectively represents today ?
I am a member of the executive of the organisation in Managua. In the town we have about 3.500 members. The data we have on a national level, though slightly outdated, shows that the organisation has around 17.000 members.
What are the organisational structures of AMNLAE ?
Basically, we organise at the level of the neighbourhoods, in neighbourhood committees. Some groups have a minimum of 30 women. They have an organised structure with an executive committee, made up of a comrade who coordinates the work, another in charge of propaganda, another in charge of political development — at the moment closely related with the literacy campaign. These comrades work through sub-committees in order to carry out the tasks.
The comrade in charge of coordination meets weekly with other neighbourhood leaders as well as the departmental coordinating organisation. They discuss the problems and worries which they have, they find solutions to the problems and discuss future activities. At the departmental level there is also an executive committe with a structure similar to that of the neighbourhood committees. This also applies at national level. We also have committees at the level of the municipality. So, to summarise, we have established four levels : neighbourhood, municipal, departmental, and national, with similar structures throughout. (Except in the case of the social commission which exists only at the departmental and national level; and in the case of the international relations commission which only needs to exist at the national level
Do women also participate in the other mass organisations ?
It is absolutely necessary. We do not intend to withdraw women from other activities and have them in AlVINLAE only. On the contrary, we want them to remain in the other
organisations so that they can play an active role. Many comrades are members of the union and of our Association. In the unions we have to fight a real battle to overcome
serious opposition. For example, meetings are organised at the same time as meetings of the women's association and this is annoying. Within the unions a general feeling of mistrust is shown towards women : men ask why the hell women don't mind their own business. We have definitely to wage a fight against this all.
problems are posed due to the wrong conception of women's role. As for the ATC, there has only been one experience of coordination so far.
What is now the most important task of AMNLAE ?
Our central task is the literacy campaign. Women are deeply involved in the programme as "alfabetizadores" as militants in what are called rear-guard sectors (minding those children who are not part of the campaign, setting up the infrastructures etc.) and also as people who have to learn to read and write. All of the local committees and the departmental committees are deeply involved in this area. At the same time there are also women's brigades dealing with the sanitation problem which exists in the countryside. Others deal with the manufacture of clothes and other indispensable items. In conclusion I think that the campaign, which will stretch over five months, will greatly help the development of dozens and dozens of young women. They will go through an extremely enriching experience, and they will live the peasants' conditions. They will understand better the problems of the masses. They are going to acquire a more definite consciousness of their role as women, and will therefore become more confident