The Red Stockings Movement
As a repercussion of the youth rebellion of the sixties against authoritarian forms of upbringing and education, the Women's Liberation Movement crystallized. This took place all over the Western World, including Denmark. The nucleus of the movement came quite naturally from the university circles as it was in these circles that the youth rebellion had its greatest concentration.
The beginning of the Women's Lib Movement we represent began in the spring of 1970. It is called the Redstocking Movement. (RSB)
The Objectives of RSB
RSB is working toward a new society in which the suppression of women or suppression and exploitation in any other form does not exist.
Making the Objectives Political
In Denmark we are still far from this goal but before we explain why it is so important to conduct a feminist socialist fight, we will first give a brief description of women's position in Denmark in the area of production and reproduction.
The Field of Production
Denmark is a capitalist country and as in most Western Capitalist countries there is an economic crisis. The unemployment rate is approximately 13 per cent. This figure is based on the full-time insured when they work 40 hours per week and are a member of a union or an unemployment fund. As 60 per cent of the women who are employed outside of the home, work less than 40 hours per week (the corresponding figure for men is 11 per cent) and due to the fact that women are comparatively less organized in unions (the percentage of organized women is 52, as opposed to 90 for men) these official figures must be taken with reservation. In addition to this it is among women that you find the greatest number of non-registered unemployed (hidden employment). Furthermore it is the jobs in industry which women hold that are to a higher degree struck by unemployment. These traditional women's jobs are very labour intensive and therefore easy to rationalize. At the same time there is tough competition from countries with cheaper labour forces in these areas where large parts of production costs go to wages.
The following figures illustrate that women's unemployment is far higher than the average unemployment rate of 13 per cent.
| The Women's Union | 23.8 per cent (*) | |
| Clothing | 27.5 " " | |
| Textile | 19.0 " " | |
| Tobacco | 21.3 " " |
These are only the unemployment figures for some of the industries that typically employ women.
(*) In Denmark the Women's Union is separate from the men's. It has existed since 1901 and it has a membership of 75,000 (1976). This figure is equivalent to about 25 per cent of the female members in LO (The Trade Union Council). There are no industry federations in Denmark but rather organizations based on the various trades, e.g. in one factory there can be several unions represented.
AVERAGE TIME SPENT ON DOMESTIC WORK ETC. ON WEEKDAYS AND DURING WEEKENDS BY SEX AND OCCUPATIONAL STATUS -HOURS AND MINUTES 1964 AND 1975
Males Married women Pensioners The average time spent for all respondents
economically
active 20-49 years
(•*)
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 (*)
Weekdays Hours & minutes
Domestic work 0'19 0'15 O'lO 0'04 2'10 1'29 2'03 0'45 1'24
Other practical work in the home 0'14 0'16 0'13 0'08 0'40 0'07 0'32 0'27 0'26
Shopping & errands 0'17 0'15 O'lO 0'21 0'29 0'28 0'36 0'35 0'28
total 1975 0'50 0'46 0'33 0'33 3'19 2'04 3 '11 1'47 2'18
Weekends
Domestic work 0'25 0'26 0'l0 0'08 2'21 1'52 1'09 0'32 1'10
Other practical work in the home 0'30 0'46 0'14 0'13 0'39 0'44 0'14 0'13 0'30
Shopping & errands 0'l0 0'20 0'18 0'06 0'l0 0'13 0'07 0'08 0'13
Total 1975 1'05 1'32 0'42 0'27 3'10 2'49 1'30 0'53 1'53
Domestic work,shopping & errands
on weekdays 1964 0-25 0'17' 0'09 0'27 3'23 2'33 4'01 0'58 2'38
1975 0'36 030 0'20 0'25 2'39 1'57 2'39 1'20 1'52
(*): 1) manual workers - 2) salaried employees - 3) self-employed, excluding farmers - 4) farmers - 5) with children 6) without children - 7) females - 8) males
(**) More than 20 working hours.
Note: representative sample of the population aged 15 or more (1964: 4,396 interviewed and 1975: 3,723 persons interviewed).
In spite of the equal pay agreement between the unions and the confederation of employers in 1973 ("equal pay for equal jobs") the average unskilled female wage amounts to only 90.5 per cent of the average unskilled male wage. The reason for this is naturally that the women generally work in special areas where there are no men and therefore no possibility for comparison.
Women's right to vote became a law in 1915.
The Field of Reproduction
Within the past two or three years the birthrate in Denmark has been the lowest since 1932. The decline started seriously in 1966 and is due partly to the widespread use of the "safe contraceptives", e.g. the pill and lUD. The growing numbers of abortions and sterilizations have also affected the birth rate. In October 1973 the law giving abortion on demand was passed. This allows access to free abortion in hospitals up to the 12th week of pregnancy. Since 1974 anyone who is over 25 years of age has the right to be sterilized.
Recent studies have shown that births are planned now to a higher degree. But how is the situation for a woman with her first child??? Within the past ten years the number of divorces has doubled, i.e. many woman have sole responsibility for the child. It is still an exception that the father gets custody of the child.
Maternity leave for wage-earners and salaried employees is 14 weeks with pay. Before 1975 subsidies were given to all children under 18 years of age but from 1975 the subsidies to the 16 - 17 year old children was stopped and replaced by a youth contribution, the criteria of allocation being less clear. From August 1976 the subsidies for children were reduced for families with incomes over 110,000 DKr per year (this is the average income of a wage earner family in which both husband and wife work outside the home) and is now being given only to parents with children under 16 years of age. The middle sixties were characterised by a labour shortage which was covered by women. As a result of this there was a tremendous development in the field of children's institutions. However, when the economic crisis started in 1974 a big cut-back policy in all social areas went into effect. The cut-back in nursery institutions affects both employed and unemployed women and result in deteriorating conditions for the children; more children to fewer educators, fewer institutions and increasing prices. The result being that it "pays" more for women to take care of the children in their own homes. The following table shows that husbands with wives who have outside jobs take less part in the housework than their wives. This is why, in time of crisis followed by a "cut-back policy" in all social sectors, it is obvious that it will be the women who must take care of the child-rearing. It is shown in the table that up to 1973 the increasing tendency for women to work outside the home has resulted in double-work for women, and that some women experience it as a relief to become unemployed. This naturally has serious consequences for the liberation of women, since unemployment very easily keeps women isolated and dependent on their breadwinners.
In conclusion it can be said that many of the laws and policies which were introduced in the boom of the sixties to socialize reproduction and at the same time satisfy the needs of Capitalism with the female labour force, have again been reversed with the coming of the economic crisis.
The Theoretical Model and Slogan
To eliminate oppression it is necessary to struggle for the establishment of a socialist society. But even if this wipes out oppression and exploitation in general, this is not sufficient to do away with the oppression of women, i.e. when looking at the so-called socialist countries we can see that the introduction of socialism has not necessarily meant socialism for women but exclusively a patriarchal "socialism".
In spite of the fact that women make up half of the population this can succeed because we are brought up to think in terms of a so-called "model in two parts" with respect to politics and society. A division based on the separation of production and reproduction. Everything connected with production is "political" while our traditional field of responsibility, reproduction, is considered as "non-political".
Thus it is only now in Cuba, 15 years after the revolution, that there has come a new family law in which the sphere of reproduction is included. The same tendency can also be seen in China. It is therefore important that we in the united women's struggle all over the world are consistent in our demand for the recognition of the private sphere as political (the sphere of reproduction). No one else will do it for us. That is why, in Denmark, we have a slogan:
NO FEMINISM WITHOUT SOCIALISM
NO SOCIALISM WITHOUT FEMINISM
And we therefore reject the divided model:
| Production | Reproduction | |
| "Real" politic with: industry | Movement with: | |
| business: | "rap-groups" | |
| parliament | children | |
| the state | the family | |
| the union movement | private life | |
| national economy i.e. capitalism with economic oppression | sense of responsibility sexuality, housework, i.e.patriarchy with ideologicaloppression | |
| PUBLIC | PRIVATE | |
| "POLITICAL" | 'ÜNPOLITICAL" |
We think that it is a dialectical model where you combine the private with the political that we as feminist socialists must base our work on.
DIALECTICAL MODEL
Socialized work is made up of: reproduction (both in and outside the home). A revolutionary strategy includes both these sides of socialized work. A policy which does not realize and accept this can not be called profound and revolutionary. Our society's system is based upon one structure and that is patriarchal capitalism. Both feminism and the class struggle are a reality whether we want to accept it or not.
Structure and Working Methods
The fundamental principle of the RSB is that structure and content are inseparable: our aims in the movement m'st be in accordance with the way we work. The organization of a women's movement must express the way we want to live and work and the way we think the women's struggle must be carried out.
RSB is a movement, not a party, not a union. The content is created by the women working in the movement, and there is no fixed political platform. Much importance is attached to stimulation, the realization of existing oppression and developing possibilities for action, mutual support and openness.
The movement is made up of groups: basis, subject, and function groups.
Basis Groups are the foundation of the movement. These groups decide themselves what they will work at. There are about 150 such groups in Copenhagen.
Subject Groups concern themselves with an activity or a subject e.g. China Group, Menstruation Group.
Function Groups take care of the internal functions of the movement, e.g. the Office Group, Newsletter Group, Bookshop Group.
The Co-ordination Meeting (coo-meeting).
The coo-meeting is the supreme decision making body of the RSB. This meeting takes place once a month. At these meetings decisions are made about structure,economy, outward activities etc. Every group must send one or more delegates to these meetings (or send an excuse to the office). Every group is given one vote except in very important decisions, where every person has a vote.
The Contact Group prepares the coo-meeting. This group consists of four women from the function groups and four from the basis groups. The Contact Group does not manage even though it has many management related tasks. All groups can act and express themselves as red stockings. All groups have : right to demand that a subject be discussed at a coo-meeting, and the contact group has (as do all other groups) one vote at the coo-meeting.
This structure has been, built up gradually in accordance with the development of the movement. In 1970 when RSB started, the structure was very loose. There was no contact group and no coo-meeting, but rather a common meeting where both planning and course was characterized by chance. Gradually the movement became too large for this loose structure and therefore discussions arose with regard to a more firm structure. This discussion led to a split in the movement when a minority resigned and formed its own movement (Kvindefronten) because it demanded a fixed platform and an elected leadership. At a week-end meeting the rest of the movement agreed upon the fundamental principles of the present structure. In ten years following there has been a tendency towards further tightening the structure. A system of introduction has been formed, where basis groups in turn help new groups to start. The coo-meeting now has the authorization to delegate tasks to the groups.
All groups are working in relative independence, organizing their own work but at the same time responsible to the coo-meeting. The basis groups strive to work m such a way that all take part in the work and discussions. At the meetings the members speak in rounds (one woman talks at a time and no one is allowed to interrupt. This means that everyone gets a chance to listen and to talk) and go to the coo-meetings in turns. The meetings always end up with a round of criticism and self-criticism.
At the coo-meetings the subjects which are on the agenda are discussed in groups. Here too the meetings end up with a round of criticism and self-criticism.
History and Practice
The development of the movement can be divided into three phases:
phase 1: Consciousness Raising
phase 2: Recruiting
phase 3: Acceptance
Phase1: Consciousness Raising
The few women who started the movement organized a series of untraditional activities and public happenings e.g.:
- they disguised themselves as overdimensioned sex objects with balloons under their bras, very long false eyelashes etc.
- they built a ramp for prams down to the tube
- felt that they should only pay 80 per cent of fines which they incurred.
These activities brought a response from all circles, the result being that a lot of women (especially the younger ones) contacted the movement. In the beginning out of curiosity, but most of them decided to join the movement and in this way new groups rapidly grew up.
The basis was established for forming a stronger contact and a more thorough debate between women. In the transition to phase two RSB started to work concretely partly to better women's conditions and partly to describe and analyse the oppression of women in more detail. Groups started to work for equal wages, planning meetings, distribution of printed material and demonstrations. Some groups printed magazines, pamphlets and articles for the newspapers.
Phase 2: Recruiting
In the summer of 1971 a tent-camp for women was arranged on a small island called Femo. In the daily press it was advertised as a camp for women of all ages, where they could spend their holidays together with their children. There was a large number of participants. There were from 50 - 200 participants per week.
The women learned a lot about themselves during this summer. Before the camp we thought that class differences between women were secondary in relation to the oppression of women. But the difficulties in getting rid of the contradictions which society had created were more difficult and comprehensive than anyone in theory could have imagined. Since then the camp has been a permanent arrangement each summer. Every week a new theme is chosen to be discussed. This year the camp is open from June 11th until August 13th. All women are welcome, foreigners too. A list showing the dates and the themes are enclosed.
In order to make people aware of us and to tell them who we are and what we are doing, we have arranged a Women's Festival in one of Copenhagen's largest parks, since 1974. For the festivals we use posters and stands for bands, singers, dancers, speakers, and stalls where you can buy small things. About 50,000 people visit during the weekend when the festival is opened.
After such summer arrangements women have flooded our house wanting to join our movement. At the moment, however, the waiting time for admission is at least three months, although every month 50 - 70 women are joining us.
The Women's House. The necessity of having our own house was felt by the end of the first camp in 1971. Therefore a month after the tents had been taken down 30 women occupied three houses that were ready to be condemned in the City of Copenhagen. The restoration was a difficult job. Everything was in a very bad state because there had been no repairs made through many years. Worst of all, no one knew how long they could stay. The women got lots of practical knowledge during this year. The houses were run by self-governed groups.
In the spring of 1975 we got a notice to leave the houses on february 13th 1976. Immediately a rehousing group contacted different responsible authorities. All the replies we got were very pleasant, but no concrete promises were given. We searched for a suitable house, and finally found one in another part of Copenhagen. Together with the Lesbian Movement it was decided to take over the "New" house. The newspapers wrote the next day that the occupation was carried out "with military precision". The women were divided into three groups, some went on bicycles, by foot and by cars to Prinsessegade 7, which is our address now.
Seminars. As our movement is built upon "basis-groups", and we have no leadership, it is necessary for us at all times to discuss our experiences, how we are, who we are, where we stand, and what to do next. Therefore during the year we have seminars, running 2,1/2 - 3 days, where we can step by step survey the position we are in, to go on with our fight, both internally and externally.
Phase 3: Acceptance
We are not allowed to stay at our present house as the municipality who owns it has other plans for using the house, but today we have obtained a promise to get another house in the City. Only a few informal details remain and then we can take over.
Internal Activities are arranged on the women's own initiatives as required. The ideas are published by our Coo-meetings and our newsletter and new groups start with women from other basis-groups. We enclose a specified list of these groups.
Good and Bad Experiences We Have Had With Our Structure and Working Methods.
The "flat" structure of the Redstocking movement, with the Basis Group as the main element, has turned out to be our most valuable experience to share with others.
The community, solidarity and confidence of the Basis Group, makes the single woman strong, in the fight against oppression. The working methods in the basis groups mean that we will develop new ways of talking with each other. We learn to listen to each other, and in the "rounds" (talking one at a time) we learn to overcome our fear of talking at larger meetings.
The importance of our working methods has resulted in making the rounds and the criticism/self criticism a very essential part of the introduction of new women in the movement. We began this in 1975.
The results have been good. Six out of nine Basis Groups will continue steadily after the four introduction meetings in the Women's House. The working methods have made it possible for us to make the co-ordinating meetings work well, even when we are 60 - 100 women. At the monthly meeting we have been able to reach many decisions which would have been impossible if we had followed the traditional model for meetings.
Even if the rounds and the criticism/self criticism have given us these important positive experiences, there is a danger that we could come to idolize these methods, without further development of them. Especially the round and criticism/self criticism can easily get rather superficial, and this is because it is so hard to criticize one's self in a constructive way so that it can be used to further the work you are doing. you are doing.
Therefore we must be aware that we do not consider our methods as tools to be used in particular situations, they must be adjusted for further development.
The coo-meetings are good. However we have experienced that important political discussions, for example the first of May and the eighth of March, have been much too brief and shallow.
The movement is growing, and it is very likely, that the structure around the coordinating meetings will need to be changed as we grow bigger. It would simply be physically impossible to conduct the decision making process as it is now, when we are just 100 or 200 more women. The problem has been discussed in the movement, and we are sure to find a solution when the time comes.
Program for the Femo-camp: 1977
| 11/6 | - | 18/6 | rural areas week | |||
| 18/6 | - | 23/6 | women and violence | |||
| 23/6 | - | 2/7 | mother myths | |||
| 2/7 | - | 9/7 | women in the labour market | |||
| 9/7 | - | 16/7 | theatre and music | |||
| 16/7 | - | 23/ | " " | |||
| 23/7 | - | 30/7 | women's folk high school week | |||
| 30/7 | - | 6/8 | women in the labour market | |||
| 6/8 | - | 13/8 | lesbian week |
List of RSB's Active Groups
Advisory-groups:
Feminist psychiatry
Women's Worth - psychology
Gentle-Steps - psychology
Solution of problems - psychology
Trade Critical Psychology
Joan Sisters - rape and violence against women
K-Club-alcohol problems
Menopause
Abortion
Function-groups:
Office
Contact
House negotiations
WOMEN - official magazine
Introduction
Action-Foundation - for women in labour conflicts
Day Care Institutions - acting for more free nurseries
8th of March
1th of May
Friday-Club - organizes seminars every other Friday
Lecture
Book Cafe
Movie
Festival
Femo
Plate
Posters
Pub
Music
Theatre
Courses:
Conference and debate technique
Literature of and for women Woman's sexuality
Preparation for delivery
Self-help
Feminist self defence
Yoga
Physical exercise
Information groups:
Amsterdam
International
Groups with several basis groups:
Women past 40
Red Stockings
Kvindehuset
Prinsessegade 7
DK 1422 Copenhagen
DENMARK: Female Policy of the Left Wing Parties and the Red Stockings Possibilities for Cooperating with Them
Introduction
In the following we will try to describe the female policy of some of the left wing parties represented in the Danish Parliament (folketinget). These are VS (left socialists), SF (socialist people's party) and DKP (Danish Communist Party).
We have also written about those left wing groups which we have been able to get information about. These are KAP (Communist Labour Party) and RSF (Revolutionary Socialist Federation) branching out from SF.
We have examined the mandate number of men and women nominated for the "folketing" 's left wing parties and the results are as follows:
| mandates of men | mandates of women | women in folketing | men in folketing | |
| VS | 56 | 28 | 0 | 5 |
| SF | 80 | 24 | 2 | 5 |
| DKP | 79 | 24 | 1 | 6 |
Having read through the descriptions of the strategy of the women's fight you can compare that material with the hard facts of the above figures.
The Left Wing Parties
KAP - Kommunistiske Arbejderparti (Communist Labour Party). First we will describe a new party, not yet represented in "folketing", KAP. The party was formed in January of this year. For a long time it was a "party preparing group" by the name of KFLM (Communist Unit Marxist, Leninists).
The strategy of KAP's female policy has not yet been clarified and for the moment a hard struggle is going on within the party. How to follow the correct line of the communist women's fight?
The main views, now, are split up into two wings. The elderly line is of the opinion, that the fight has to be lead by the PARTY, only at the place of work - i.e. in the public sphere and not in the private sphere. The argument is as follows;
"By fighting for the equality of women, we try to expand the solidarity between the women and men of the working class. The struggle tor equality of women is at the same time a struggle for the unity of the working class. It is the task of the Communist Party to unite the women's fight in the total proletarian perspective. Moreover the Party has to propagandize and work for a broader understanding, that the women's fight is second to the fight for the liberation of the total working class.
These claims that the Party suggest are all claims for the working place and not at all claims for unity in the home, the private sphere. This strategy has been practised in KFLM's womens's mobilisation central called 'The Women's Front". In this front the leadership decides which subjects have the highest priority for the basic groups.
The second argument within KAP is about the necessity of a "Women's Organization" which involves the home and place of education; "the women's organization" must mobilize and organize widely among women to fight against attacks, especially those against women, and against every day oppression. The organization must strengthen women in the fight against the oppression of women, wherever it occurs: in the home, at the place of work or place of education. It must make clear the necessity of a total organization for fighting the claims successfully through."
Concerning this Women's Organization they continue: "A correct women's organization is a necessity to strengthening the fight against women's oppression and in the long term so that the working women in great numbers will be able to participate in the fight for socialism. The "Women's Organization" must become a tool, which is able to reach women by starting at the specific point of women's oppression. It must strengthen women to fight wherever they are, and it must reach those women, who because of women's oppression have not been mobilized. THE PARTY MUST TRY TO ACHIEVE THE POLITICAL LEADERSHIP OF THIS WOMEN'S ORGANIZATION.
About the Redstockings, KAP finds that they in the beginning were historically progressive because they took up and heightened the awareness of women's oppression. But this has changed, as a general tendency into feminism.
Feminism consequently splits up the working class and antagonizes the difference between men and women.
Finally we will note that the Redstocking Movement has been proclaimed the tactical chief enemy of the "women's front" so for the time being it is difficult to begin cooperation.
SF - Socialistisk Folkeparti (The Socialist People's Party)
The rapidly increasing consciousness of women has also made its presence felt in the party program of SF. As a result of this the Party, in 1971, came forward with an equal rights program in which they have, among other things, written: society, can give enough room so that people's distinctive characters and varied abilities can be realized, irrespective of sex, age and geographical area, to mention only some of the factors which today determine the individual's possibilities. Equal dignity and true freedom are concepts which must be ensured. The cultural revolution (creation of a new outlook on life, values and ideals) which especially women who live in a society based upon man-made values of life, must hope for, (which is also the goal for the new women's liberation movement we want to create) and strengthens the desire for new values of life in both women's and men's consciousness. Also through that to create the will for an economic revolution, socialism. The economic revolution is the means, the cultural revolution the goal but one has to support the goal to carry out the means. Men and women must have equal responsibility for the collective society, i.e. participate equally in the fields of people's elected organizations, production and family life."
At the national assembly of 1976 the party passed a law on the ratio of male to female representation.
In the 4th paragraph it is written:
"In all party assemblies in which an election is being held, each sex has the right but not the duty to constitute at least 40 per cent of the representation."
Their official opinion of the women's liberation movement outside of the Party is not very high, as they believe that the fight against oppression counts for both men and women and must be carried out in fellowship.
RSF - Revolutionaere Socialistiske Forbund (The Revolutionary Socialist Federation)
RSF was founded in 1972. It was a group that separated from SUF (Socialist Youth Federation) and formed the party, which is now the Danish section of IV International (since 1974) and the so-called Danish Trotskist.
Even though it is a small party number wise, we will mention it here because it works with a lot of international contacts and it has a very well developed women's policy and especially a declared relation to the Red Stockings.
At their third congress in February 1976, they decided that RSF will work for the formation of :
- an independent women's movement - that means independent of the political parties
- a strong women's movement - which has as its political platform the struggle against (specifically) the oppression of women
- a women's movement which has a strong out-going mobilizing function and the emancipation of women within the movement as a goal
- a nationally coordinated women's movement 5. a united women's movement 6. a democratic women's movement
Within the party they will:
- teach all the comrades about the revolutionary marxist tradition in the women's struggle. They add: We do not have the illusion that the comrades can completely get over their upbringing and the customs that exist in a capitalist country, but as a revolutionary organization RSF does not tolerate male chauvinism within their own group, whether it is verbal or in action.
- try to find elements for a program for women's liberation
- make intervening groups of women participate in or organize local women's organizations, whether in red stockings groups, in a trade union, in a factory, etc.
The result of this program is that during the last year a group of RSF members have been very active in the Red Stockings. They have especially been active in the function group that administrates the foundation for women in labour conflicts. They are also putting a lot of work into a national women's group coordination. This group sends out a magazine, Landsdebat (which is like "Wires" in England) to most of the women's groups in the country, and this autumn they will organize a nationwide action about female unemployment. They have also had representatives in the 1th of May and the 8th of March group. Especially in these groups, where the party has strong opinions on the subject under discussion, they might have problems with identification of themselves negotiating as a party member or a Red Stocking.
VS - Venstre Socialisterne (Left Socialists)
VS started as a party in 1967. It was not until 1974 that a steady women's work was started in the party.This is when the first VS-women Conference was held. The Conference closed with the setting up of a women's secretariat, which coordinates the various women's activities within the party.
The majority of the party emphasizes that women do not have to agree just because they are women, and that it is no solution to the problem of oppression of women in the party to place women in the highest committees. On the other hand it is important to work toward a better balance of the sexes in the committees and the groups within the party. An important aspect of the women's work is the involvement of all life's aspects in the revolutionary strategy. The abolition of the oppression of women is a necessity in the progress toward a socialist society - otherwise this society can not call itself socialist.
In the future the party will give priority to the following themes in the women's struggle: the situation of female workers in the labour market, the problems of unemployed women, the problems of day nurseries, kindergartens, and the health services.
Even if the party is aware of the oppression of women, which still exists within the party, there are cases where women have had problems when they wanted to start a women's group, while their male party comrades still consider such work irrelevant.
From the start of RSB there have been discussions in VS on its conception of RSB. The majority of the party thinks that the policy of RSB is wiping out class distinctions, as it considers the oppression of women to be the same in all classes. This led to an insufficient policy from a socialist point of view.
Unfortunately we know only little about how the women's policy is treated in the every day work of the party, but we know that many women are organized both in VS and RSB and that VS is influenced by RSB's way of work: working in groups, talking in rounds, etc.
DKP - Danmarks Kommunistiske Parti (The Danish Communist Party)
DKP is an old party compared to the rest of the left wing, and therefore the women in the party have a widespread male chauvinist attitude to fight against. Many of the older DKP men have never really understood the importance of Women's Liberation and have not shown any further interest.
Many of the women in the party are organized in "The union of Danish Democratic Women", which works for peace and against fascism. (The Union does not say anything about working for socialism). DKP fights for attention to women's special interests such as the fight for better material conditions for women, but at the same time they are very much opposed to feminism, which they sometimes consider directly harmful to the women's fight. The opinion about feminism is that it is considered isolating and harmful to the party because it will divert the struggle. It is important that the DKP thinks that the women's struggle has to be submitted to the party.
They write:
"The policy of the Communists is a policy for the women of the working class. The problems of the women are closely connected with the society that we live in, and it is our belief that the women's struggle also is to come under the bigger determining improvements for the working class as a whole".
And another place:
"Only as a part of the total work of the party, will the Communist women's policy have sufficient power, and be useful to the ordinary fights for socialism."
As something new the party is appealing to the local party unions to start women's groups or at least to have contact women. New initiatives and the coordinating work is done by a group of women called, "the women's political group of the party".
The RSB has been more and more recognized by the party a lot more than previously, and there are some DKP women in the movement.
The Red Stocking Movement and Cooperation with the Left Wing Parties in Denmark
The Red stocking Movement (RSB) is a movement and therefore there are many different opinions within it, in contrast to a party that has a definite program. In the movement many women have worked on their own premises, and on the back ground of their own experiences for the first time in their lives. Any collaboration with the left wing at the present time would present problems for the women and be a collaboration on the parties' premises. That is a fight in relation to their programs and their understanding of women's oppression and their strategy for women's liberation. RSB has not been very eager when it comes to cooperation. We often begin these efforts much too late, for example the 1st of May discussion. It is mostly because our basis group structure leads to a slower process of decision. We therefore need to be more aware of the concrete problems and begin the discussions earlier. Under acute circumstances (as in a labour conflict), it is also difficult for us as a movement to take a speedy initiative. We feel that the left wing parties are also influenced by the so-called liberal press's mention of the Red Stockings. Many think that the left wing cannot possibly cooperate with RSB, because of its "missing" political platform.
The refusal of the left wing parties to engage themselves in the private-political question, is most determining for their opinion of the RSB.
This means the private-political part that has nothing directly to do with the class struggle on the job.
To illustrate the opinion of the left wing parties about cooperating with us, we will describe the negotiations, that were held for the 1st of May this year.
First of all we want to criticize ourselves, as we were late in our preparations. After this we must add, that we were not invited to the negotiations of the "United Demonstration". In Denmark we had four major demonstrations on the 1st of May. The Social Democrats (that is the government right now). The Danish Communist Party (DKP), The Communist Labour Party (KAP) and the "United Demonstration" (the rest of the left wing parties or groups). It would have been most "natural" for us to join this demonstration.
In the middle of the negotiations we turned up at a meeting, and asked the organizers about the conditions for our participation. There were various opinions and the result was that we did not participate.
In conclusion one can say that a common feature for all left wing parties is that they all want the women struggle fought within the framework of the party.
That is why cooperation under present circumstances would result in many difficulties.
Party/Movement Discussion
Partly because of the bad collaboration between RSB and the left wing parties and partly because of the oppression of women in these parties there are two attitudes in RSB towards them:
- the work in RSB is most important, and
- the work in the party is most important
The women who think the work in RSB is most important have two reasons to think so:
- even if most left wing parties in theory are aware of the oppression of women and have realized that the women's struggle is a necessary part of the struggle for socialism, in practice they still act as if it is not. They still work with a sharp differentiation of the private and the public sphere - consequently they still perceive everything that has something to do with production as political, everything that has something to do with reproduction as unpolitical.
- it is very difficult to be a woman in a left wing party because of the oppression of women in these parties.
The men still dominate in these parties for two reasons:
- the oppression of women causes women to mostly keep quiet at meetings where men are taking part.
- women do not have so much time for work in the party because of their reproducing functions. The conclusion is, that it is too hopeless to try to change these conditions.
Those women who think that work in the party is most important believe that it is possible to change these conditions and that it is very important to be engaged in making the parties attach more importance to the women's struggle partly in theory and especially in practice. They think that the party is the primary organization in the struggle for socialism, which RSB cannot be because of its structure and missing political platform.
For that reason it would be very unfortunate if the party still remained dominated by men and consequently the sharp differentiation of the private and the public sphere would be maintained!