The crisis in Latin America and its impact on women

a summary of research by members of the DAWN network in Latin America

Neuma Aguiar¹

The work of the DAWN² Latin American research group focuses on four principal areas of the Latin American crisis: 1. the comparative impact of socio-economic growth and recession on male and female employment patterns (in unemployment, labor sector, number of work hours, labor status and income); 2. the impact of the crisis on the family unit; 3. the impact of public policy on women; and 4. the relationship between the crisis and the women's movement. These themes were identified by analyzing the most recent research and from discussions about new research needs in various contexts. Since the findings were based on surveys conducted in various countries, they should be considered relevant for other Latin American countries. We hope that by disseminating our findings we will encourage more studies and raise awareness about the increase in regional poverty due to the crisis.

employment patterns

Throughout Latin America, the indices of female participation in the workforce rose in the period immediately prior to the crisis reaching the highest point during the crisis. These indices reflect a different form of female participation in the work force, showing a relative reduction in the number of young women in the workforce and a substantial increase in the number of older women of child-bearing age, over the age of 30, who are married and have small children.

The increase in the number of working women has been greater than the increase in the number of men who are working. Due to the debt crisis, this trend is most noticeable in the more industrialized and urban countries in the region. Previous studies had indicated a trend toward greater inclusion of young and single women in the development process; the changes in female participation patterns noted above were observed with the onset of the recession.

Other patterns require more analysis and clarification. While studies of previous crises found that women were laid off in greater numbers than men during times of crisis³, recent research shows that men have been laid off with greater frequency than women during the present crisis. This is not because of women's greater participation in labor unions or similar organizations, but because the sectors most affected by the crisis are the most modern sectors which employ less women than other sectors, as is the case in Brazil. Women usually do work men refuse to do, work which is more difficult, requires less skill, and which is unaffected by the crisis.

In other countries, however, traditional industries with a large contingent of female labor also have been shut down as a result of the crisis⁴. In these cases, older women of child-bearing age enter the "informal sector", since the more modern sectors prefer young and single women, at least in times of crisis. Interestingly, in periods of growth, according to aggregate data, hiring practices actually favor older women with children⁵. In sum, our research has shown that the differential indices on recruitment during times of crisis and the trends among different labor sectors need studying. This can probably be done by combining aggregate data with case studies.

There has been some discussion about the nature of the labor process and labor displacement following attempts at modernization, particularly as a result of the crisis (Souza Lobo, 1985 and 1986). The information available shows differences in the displacement process due to modernization in a period of growth (Humphrey, 1984). The Mexican literature suggests that in such periods women displaced from the plants, at least in the border region, increasingly do the same work they performed in the factory at home⁶.

In all countries, there is a notable expansion of irregular labor activities not covered by labor contracts or social security, as well as those activities generally included in the "informal sector". Activities covered by social security vary from country to country and labor contract guarantees vary according to the moment, since military dictatorships tend to negate many labor rights and working class gains. Some industries simply reduce the hiring they do through formal contracts. In other instances, workers agree to work without social security because of their urgent need for some income to survive the crisis. In still other cases, this work consists of moonlighting in addition to a job in the formal sector. While in past times of crisis, women tended to work in the informal sector, currently, in some regions an even larger number of women are searching for alternatives of this kind. Nevertheless, this varies according to metropolitan area⁷.

Even though most studies concern urban areas, some have analyzed trends regarding rural women (Arizpe, 1987; Guimaraes and Brito, 1987). These studies show that there was a large growth in agricultural labor in the period prior to the recession, with increased participation of women as seasonal day laborers. Women who had access to land were not as affected by the crisis because of good harvests. But the large scale urban migration which occurred in Latin America during this period shows a pattern in which young men and women are the first to desert the countryside, followed by married men, with the women remaining behind in the agricultural sector. In the case of Brazil, the phenomenon is more localized and better documented. For example, this feminization of the agricultural sector has occurred in zones producing cane for combustible alcohol and in other zones where better options for work exist (Aguiar, 1987). The combustible alcohol program, designed to confront the oil crisis, has resulted in the production of this product for the middle class, in place of food needed for subsistence by the agricultural laborers (Saffioti, 1984). The workers' own need for cooking fuel has been greatly unmet due to women's seasonal labor on the sugar cane plantations (Aguiar, 1987).

Although women, racial and ethnic minorities and, in particular, women within racial and ethnic minority groups, are employed in sectors less affected by employment cutbacks, they have also felt the effects of the crisis in terms of lost income. It is difficult to make a comparison since no household surveys include data on ethnic groups. Where information categorized by race is available, however, it shows that the best positions are held by white women, with black or Indian women working longer hours for less pay.

The modern sectors tend to sustain income levels during a crisis while reducing the labor force and the number of hours worked. Traditional construction, commerce and cottage industries show the sharpest drops in employment levels. Women's salaries have been reduced during the crisis from 10% to 30%, depending on the country and the labor sector.

In most cases, unemployment figures include women (Prates, 1987; Arriagada, 1987). Better data has to be developed by gender (Feijoo and Jelin, 1987). Hirata and Humphrey (1986) observed that when men lose their jobs they are reemployed in the same sector at the same level. When women lose their jobs, however, it is more difficult for them to find work in the same sector and the majority of those who return to work do so at home or as an unskilled laborer. Also, Feijoo and Jelin (1987) observed in Argentina that unemployed women, heads of households, have more difficulty finding work than do men in the same situation. Unemployment thus has graver consequences for women. Many young women and women with children look for work and are willing to do almost anything. More women than ever state they are actively looking for work, rather than claiming to be housewives; this changes their labor status since they are considered part of the workforce and included in unemployment figures.

changes in household composition

The working group decided that it was important to analyze the effects of the crisis from the perspective of both the labor market and the household (Hirata and Humphrey, 1986). Household surveys are important because they cover work done in the home and part-time work not covered by social security. Employment data provides only information on formal activities. When possible, therefore, data collection should be accompanied by information from case studies (Ricci, 1987).

An important area needing more comparison and clarification concerns the composition of household labor. Typically, households claim only one worker per family, particularly when the household includes children. Currently, however, depending on the level of industrial urbanization, families consist of an average of two or three economically active members; it is no longer the case that the head of the household is the only active member of the workforce.

While rural households are still composed of large families, varying by country and region, there has been a drop in child-bearing rates and household size with a trend toward single families in more urban and industrialized areas (Z. Oliveira, 1987). Despite the predominance of single families, this is not a uniform trend in Latin America since extended families have also grown in number during the crisis, as is the case in Colombia (Alonso, 1985, p.50).

Some studies find that the crisis has intensified women's work and extended their workday, when the hours devoted to domestic work are considered together with those devoted to commercial activities (Feijoo and Jelin, 1987). The impact of these increasing commercial activities on women's traditional roles in the home is the subject of much discussion. One case study found that working class men insist tenaciously on restricting women's work and oppose sharing household chores with their wives, even when the wives were significantly contributing to family income (Hirata and Humphrey, 1986). In cases where work is transferred from the factory to the home, the women become even more housebound. Thus, paradoxically, the crisis affects women either by causing them to work much more outside the home or by confining them much more to the home.

Ricci (1987) discusses the differences in family situations and women's work during the crisis as a function of social class. Barbieri and Oliveira (1985) similarly compare the way middle and working class women respond to the crisis. While some researchers maintain the theory that depressed wages are due to women's entry into the labor market (Porcaro, 1986), others, like Jurado (1985), demonstrate that women who enter the labor market in times of crisis largely, though not exclusively, come from poorer groups, which suggests that depressed wages are the cause, not the effect of women's entry into the labor market. Humphrey (1984), however, raises doubts as to whether poverty is the explanation for women joining the labor force. Although his data does not show the exact moment when women decide to join the workforce, he is correct in noting that the emphasis on the sole factor of poverty is insufficient to explain this phenomenon.

Another factor to be considered is revealed in case studies which show that women who enter the labor market are more exposed to violence due to the greater public contact which results and that they also are more frequently exposed to violence within the home, due to male frustration caused by unemployment that provokes aggressive behavior against the woman. While the crisis may not be directly tied to the increase in abuse of women, changes in the definition of gender roles brought about by women's new role in the labor market can cause family tension, as indicated by Barbieri and Oliveira (1985) and by Ricci (1985). Domestic changes and tensions should be studied as well as ways to resolve these conflicts.

social policy and women

Research has found that certain government policies, such as budget cuts for social services, have a negative impact on women because they result in an increase in the workload women must bear and significantly affect their capacity to provide for basic household necessities. Cuts in health and education services, for example, force women to spend more time caring for children and the sick, doing household chores, and standing in line for social services. Research on public services is becoming a topic of interest in Latin America, in spite of the lack of comparative data in this area. There is also a great lack of gender specific data with respect to this issue.

In countries like Brazil, development policies that induce rapid industrialization have brought about a concentration of income (Spindel, 1987). During twenty years of military dictatorship, for example, the minimum wage lost 50% of its purchasing power and, in 1983, the worst year of the crisis, the poorest 50% of the population received 13.5% of national income, while the richest 10% received 46.2% (Spindel, 1987).

In the north, some countries began to privatize many state enterprises. The Latin American military dictatorships implemented many policies to place social services in private hands, which left the basic needs of the poor for food, housing, primary education and health care unmet. Since funding for the programs which remained came from the salaries of workers, any decrease in employment affected the volume of resources available for social benefits. In periods of crisis, therefore, these programs were the first to suffer (Abranches, 1985, p.86). Other social policies were aimed at the private sector and benefited industry⁸, private clinics⁹, or middle class housing construction (Cardoso, 1984; Abranches, 1985).

Furthermore, authoritarianism stimulated the growth of competing bureaucracies that centralized decisions about social affairs. These bureaucracies, together with political persecution, discouraged community participation. The cost of maintaining the bureaucracies was also high and utilized resources which could have gone to the neediest population. The cost of corruption increased as well since decision makers were no longer accountable to the population. When dictatorships end, unfortunately, the bureaucracies and decision making apparatus remain in place. Alienation and frustration build, and violence sometimes results (Coelho,1987). In some countries, narcotics trafficking has resulted in organized violence which threatens all social sectors, including leaders of women's movements whose lives are threatened for association with the interests of the poor.

In contrast, decentralized social services, administered at the municipal level, stimulate community participation. Women tend to be more active in such initiatives¹⁰. Nevertheless, most of these activities address immediate needs and few have been designed to allow poor women opportunities to work and earn steady incomes. Only a few training programs provide women with marketable skills to improve their position in the job market for better paid work. Nor do women have access to daycare, land, credit, technical training for agricultural work, social security, health services or information about contraception and family planning¹¹.

Among the programs aimed at promoting equality of the sexes are women's councils to create daycare centers, programs to check violence against women, and anti-discriminatory policies. No studies exist on the correlation between these types of programs and greater participation of women in the workforce. Thus, there is a need for studies of government initiatives which support equal opportunity.

Finally, debt repayment comes at the sacrifice of the poor, to the benefit of private banks in the North. These policies create a great disparity in incomes and cause women to work longer hours for less pay.

women's movements

Since the first biannual meeting of Latin American feminists was held, an activity which was directed primarily at "middle-class" women, there has been a growing interest among rural women and workers to participate in these events. DAWN has studied the relationship between women's labor union movements, cooperatives and community movements¹² and the feminist movement, and most researchers studying the theme of women and the crisis have observed the growth of various types of women's organizations¹³. The connections between the feminist movement and other women's movements is part of the work developed by Vargas (1987), both elsewhere and in her work with DAWN, and by the other group members who have studied women's movements and their visions of the future, particularly, their emergence from the crisis.

Important strategies for communicating with poor women have been developed by various networks in the feminist movement¹⁴.

During the recent Fourth Feminist Meeting held in Taxco, Mexico, some participants spoke of the need for women to gain power. Also, the growing interest in feminism among rural women, working class women, home workers and women of color warrants greater analysis and elaboration by the veterans of the feminist movement¹⁵. Research reveals the need to close the ranks of the women's movement around a basic strategy of democratization directed, as conceived by Virginia Vargas, at women's capacity for rebellion.

methodological strategies

Beginning in 1986 after the conference in Brazil organized by the Instituto Universitario de Pesquisas de Rio de Janeiro (University Research Institute of Rio de Janeiro), DAWN initiated a strategy to promote research on these themes¹⁶. It has encouraged study of the impact of development on poverty, and particularly on women who are adversely affected by development policies which often broaden inequalities. DAWN itself has a particular interest in promoting development strategies that satisfy the basic needs of the poor and has participated in many national and international meetings and made important contributions on the subject.

CEPAL (the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America) has also offered support to DAWN’s research activities. Its Women's Division has provided comparative data to DAWN and is interested in receiving the research of network participants, particularly detailed and historical information and critiques of social policies that reflect the DAWN point of view.

Some of DAWN'S recommendations for research have been set forth here. Much of the research conducted in the region deals with the indices of employment and unemployment and income levels by gender, age, occupational sector, employment status, civil status, and age of children. It is important, however, to study this data comparatively in periods of recession and in periods of growth. All data should be disaggregated by sex and regional variations taken into account. Information collection should not only focus on the workplace but on household units as well. Several case studies should be undertaken to obtain specific information not obtainable from aggregate data. We believe that the guidelines presented here can be useful in most research conducted on these issues.

Coordinator of DAWN and research analyst for the Institute Universitario de Investigacoes, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.
Throughout this book the English acronym DAWN is used in referring to the network. The Spanish acronym is MUDAR.
See Aguiar & Moraes, 1987; Pardo, 1987; Jelin & Feijoo, 1985.
See Feijoo & Jelin, 1987; Prates, 1987.
See Prates, 1987; Zuleica de Oliveira, 1987.
See Orlandina de Oliveira, 1987.
See Hirata & Humphrey, 1986; Zuleica de Oliveira, 1987.
For example, private industry monopolized food production for the public schools.
These clinics offer expensive and inefficient services.
Oral report presented to the Latin American regional meeting of DAWN.
Special long term programs could correct some of these problems.
These movements comprise activities such as communal kitchens.
See Barbieri & Oliveira, 1985; Feijoo & Jelin, 1987; Feijoo & Cogna, 1987.
Centro de Estudios de la Mujer, ChiIe; Flora Tristan, Peru; CIPAF, Dominican Republic; IDAC, Brazil; Rede Mulher, Brazil; CEEAL, Latin America; SOS Corpo, Brazil; and many other groups systematically serving poor women. This situation has given the Latin American feminist movement a unique character. DAWN has begun to disseminate basic research information to strengthen existing channels of communication among women's groups and to enable them to analyze problems they currently face.
See Virginia Vargas, Estela Suarez, Margarita Pisano, Viviana Erazo, Adriana Santa Cruz, et. al: "Del Amor a la Necesidad", Statement of the IV Latin American Feminist Meeting in Taxco, Mexico, October, 1987.
Due to a lack of resources, it is important to develop a consistent research strategy. DAWN researchers have utilized census data, regional, national and metropolitan business and household surveys, and national employment statistics, including data taken during recession periods. DAWN has also organized meetings to take advantage of the information provided by national research organizations such as ANPOCS (National Research Association of the Social Sciences, Brazil) and regional social science networks, such as FLACSO/Bolivia which recently organized a regional meeting in La Paz.

acknowledgements: This work is the result of collaboration by many networks and Latin American researchers who share DAWN's views. Much progress has been made in the discussion and development of studies and bibliographies. After Gita Sen and Caren Grown developed the network's platform, Teresita de Barbieri and Orlandina de Oliveira produced the first summary of the Nairobi DAWN panel on the crisis. The follow-up effort consisted of a DAWN panel organized by Carmen Barroso with the research group on Women and Society coordinated by Deniz Kandiyoti. The DAWN Secretariat, located in the Instituto Universitario de Pesquisas de Rio de Janeiro, has put together valuable information from a series of seminars on the two DAWN research themes "The Crisis in Food Production, Energy, and the External Debt in Relation to Women" and "Women's Movements and Visions of the Future".

The IX Feminist Meeting in Garahuns gave DAWN the opportunity to present participants with the findings on women and the crisis, according to the methodology organized by Socorro Ramirez. Subsequently, the two research groups from ANPOCS, "Women in the Labor Force" and "Women and Politics" adopted the two DAWN themes as research priorities. Heleieth Saffioti and Eleonora Menicucci de Oliveira worked very hard and very closely with the Secretariat to locate researchers to take on our themes and hold important seminars and discussions. The CLACSO Secretariat offered a great opportunity by sponsoring a national research competition on women's issues which permitted the Working Group on the Status of Women organization to disseminate the research interests of DAWN. Furthermore, Maria del Carmen Feijoo collaborated in the organization of a panel on Women and the Crisis during the CLACSO General Assembly in Recife. Fernando Calderon, Clovis Cavalcanti and Elizabeth Jelin lent important support to the initiative which turned out to be the most popular panel of the Assembly. Afterwards, thanks to the support of FLACSO-Bolivia and Gloria Ardaya, the Regional Latin American Meeting of DAWN took place in La Paz.

To date, all the main non-governmental regional networks have collaborated with DAWN. The CEPAL Women's Division has provided important backing through Vivian Mota and Irma Arriagada, who not only shared their research, but also the principal work and data from CEPAL on the Latin American crisis. Carmen Barroso made a significant contribution to the production of sound research through advice and frequent consultation. Cheywa Spindel continues to offer basic support for the working group on the crisis. Virginia Vargas is responsible for the topic "Women's Movements and Visions of the Future", searching for links between this theme and the crisis.

The bibliography has been compiled by many people, but we should emphasize the contributions made by Magdalena de Leon, Monica Cogna, Socorro Ramirez, Irma Arriagada, Claudia Serrano and Estela Suarez. Thais Corral and Rosangela Aparecida da Silva from the Secretariat were responsible for reviewing the work and editing the bibliography.

This work has been made possible thanks to the important support of the international office of the Ford Foundation and the Dutch Government's Division of Women in Development which provided funding both for the DAWN Secretariat and the Latin American meeting (La Paz, Bolivia, Dec. 5-8, 1987). Both also supported the meeting at which DAWN presented its findings to the Commission on the South, as well as the Ibadan meeting (Feb. 12-15, 1988). We are also equally grateful for the financial support of NORAD, the Rockefeller Foundation, the NGO Residual Fund from Nairobi and the original contribution of an anonymous donor which permitted this work to flourish.

Finally, since the beginning of DAWN, Isis International has published news of the networks’ findings and disseminated the viewpoints of the members to a much wider audience.

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