This chapter examines migration and tourism, especially sex-tourism, as development problems with often disastrous effects on the lives of the women they uproot. After an overview of the issues, it offers a short account of international actions taken by the women's movement to counter this exploitation. This is followed by a bibliography of resource materials. This chapter was written by Roxanne Claire and Jane Cottingham.
migration and tourism: an overview
Roxanne Claire & Jane Cottingham
Why do tens of thousands of women leave their homes and often their families every year to migrate to another country or region? Sometimes it is for reasons of religious or political persecution, more often it is out of the sheer economic necessity resulting from high rates of unemployment, being pushed off land, or the increasing need for money in societies shifting to cash economies. Yet migration resists any simple explanation. Unfortunately, migration has been such a time-honored tradition that it is only comparatively recently that there has been any economic analysis of the patterns of migration, although the patterns themselves - from Greece to Canada, Malaysia to Singapore, India to Kuwait, Mexico to the USA, or simply from rural to urban areas within a single country - are clear. And it is only more recently that an examination of the impact of migration upon people's lives has included a recognition that migration affects the women who remain behind as well as those who leave, and that migrant workers themselves are often women.
Rural women in Panama, for example, usually migrate to urban areas because they have had to sell their land, which through lack of seed, fertilizer and resources no longer produces even a subsistence living. Or they might be following their husbands to the city where he will try and find work as a gardener, mason, or hired hand in a sugar mill or banana company.1
Filipinas, trained as nurses, teachers, or secretaries, often leave their country because they can't find work, or because the pay for work available is abysmally low - although the minimum wage is about $1.35, many work for as little as $.70.2
Thus workers migrate in the hopes of finding jobs and improved pay and living conditions. What they find are higher costs of living, discrimination, exploitation, and problems caused by cross-cultural differences. Discrimination described in real terms means that migrant workers occupy the most strenuous, monotonous, dirtiest, and lowest paid jobs. They pay more for lower quality housing, and are accorded fewer political rights and educational and job opportunities. Problems of crossing cultural lines, of language and of new values such as consumerism range from difficulty in finding and communicating with a doctor to feelings of isolation. This isolation may be exacerbated by illiteracy which eliminates letters or newspapers as means of keeping contact with home, and the absorption, especially of children, into the alien-culture. Often too this threat of losing cultural identity results in a strong defense of the traditions of the migrants' own culture, which then often oppresses the women more than in their own countries.
Perhaps the best known aspect of migration is exploitation. Given the hopes pinned to escaping conditions left behind, the migrant's fear of losing her job or being deported makes her ripe for scandalously low pay, overwork, unsafe working conditions, and sexual harassment.
factory work
In an earlier exploitation (see women and multinationals) the exploitation of women working in Asian electronics factories was described. Yet this phenomenon is far from limited to Asia alone. Similar conditions exist in factories in Mexico, Britain, Canada, and the USA.
Maria M., 40, is a sewing machine operator who used to work for a Montreal sportswear contractor on piece-work rates. During her first week, she was asked to work from seven in the morning until seven at night to fill rush orders. She should have earned about $220. However, her employer gave her $125 and told her she should be grateful because of high unemployment. Two months later she was still working the same hours for the same pay. When the foreman discovered she was thinking of complaining, she was fired with no cheque for her final week's work.
Teresa V., 35, is a Toronto hosiery worker. When she first joined the factory, the piece-work rate for her job was ten cents a dozen. However, as the women increased their speed, the employer lowered the rate until it is now seven cents a dozen. Teresa works at breakneck speed putting in ten hour days with no coffee breaks and just ten minutes for lunch. However, she makes barely above the minimum wage.3
In the United States the proliferation of "sweatshops" has even come to the attention of Federal investigators of the US Labor Department. Common violations of the labor laws, as these investigators report, include failure to pay minimum wage or overtime pay (11/2 times the regular hourly rate for work beyond 40 hours per week), child labor regulation (children between the ages of 10 and 12 are commonly employed in garment factories), and health and safety laws - a not unusual situation includes bare dangling light bulbs, crowded, filthy working conditions, and one toilet for perhaps 40 to 80 workers.4
homework
For many migrant women barriers of language and lack of childcare facilities, often added with a cultural expectation that women should not work outside the home, prevent them from seeking jobs in factories. For these women, a solution has been presented in the form of factory work coming to them. Homework, also called outwork, while solving child care problems and providing flexible working hours, actually provides many more benefits for the employer than to the woman worker. Employers avoid costs related to capital, machinery and running costs (garment makers, for example, are expected to buy and keep in working order the sewing machines necessary for their work), power and cleaning, insurance, and holiday and sick pay. It goes without saying that homeworkers are poorly paid. Moreover, their wages are not just low, they are also irregular and unpredictable. Based on a seasonal market, there are several periods during the year when production is slowed down or halted. When homeworkers don't work, they when work begins in the early morning and continues into late night, often for six or seven days a week.
Doreen,for example, has been sewing and packaging shower caps for the past two years. The sewing takes 11 seconds per cap, packing takes another five. Bundling the caps in bunches of five takes more time and Doreen often persuades her children to help with that work... The employer pays $15 per 1,000 caps. When there is a rush job - a big order for a hotel — Doreen works seven days a week. There are also slack times, such as when her employer ran out of elastic thread which had to be ordered from San Francisco. For two weeks, Doreen had no work and no pay.5
Mrs. Hunt started working at home six years ago,the birth of her first and only child. He is now old enough to go to nursery school, but there are no facilities in the nearby villages and anyway the bus services are infrequent. Her job is to package Christmas cards individually for a well-known local company. Each plastic packet has to have a card, an envelope, a greetings slip and then be sealed with the appropriate price tag. Mrs. Hunt earns £14.30 a week for a 30-hour week, which works out at 47 1/2 p. per hour. In addition, she has to pay heating and lighting overhead and provide storage space for the cards, at considerable inconvenience for her family.6
The physical isolation of these women, and the distance caused by culture and language differences, plus the situation where it is often their husbands who are the employers, makes their organizing difficult. Unions have not paid a great deal of attention to the homeworker. They have been either resentful of her, seeing her as acting to depress wages, or they have ignored her, seeing homework as "women's work" and therefore not "real" work. In some places, this has begun to change. However, because the supply outstrips the demand, a woman who joins a union or criticises her pay or working conditions will usually risk losing her job.
agricultural work
Like work in electronics factories, work in agricultural fields is noted for its hazards to worker health. High on the list of factors responsible is contact with pesticides and fertilizers. The low quality housing provided for migrant workers — no heating or plumbing, contaminated water — contributes to ill health, as does malnutrition and lack of health care. Migrant workers have neither the time, money, nor means of transportation for seeking medical attention. In the USA alone, maternal and infant mortality rates — a key index of overall health care — are reported to be more than 100 percent higher among migrants than the national US average. And, as for all women workers, migrant women agricultural workers put in full 10 hour days, picking in the fields, often next to their husbands, and once home, while the husband rests or visits friends, the woman bathes the babies, cooks, and cleans.7
domestic work
While domestic work is often the easiest kind of job for women to find once they've migrated, domestic positions are also heavily "recruited." That is, agencies entice women to leave their countries with promises of good paying jobs, then make a small fortune from each woman with charges for airfare, false passports and medical certificates, and non-existent work permits. Women are usually told that the airfare is paid for by the employer, only to be told by the employer upon reaching her new job that this cost will be deducted from her monthly salary. This means in effect that the woman must work for up to a year in order to pay off her "debt" to her employer, before she can begin earning any money for herself.
The peculiar position of the domestic worker, living with her employer, makes her especially vulnerable to exploitation. Without a set schedule for work and leisure, she may be on call virtually 24 hours a day. Her work day usually begins around 5:30 a.m. and continues into the late night hours. Without a defined job description, she cooks, cleans, babysits... stays home evenings to answer the phone, does yard work, and wipes up after the dog. Sons and husbands often expect her to provide sexual services as well.
She is usually without medical benefits, unemployment insurance or retirement plan. Her isolation in the home and the language barrier not only contribute to her loneliness, but make it difficult for her to be aware of the illegality of her situation or make contact with those who might be able to help her fight back or get out.8
street sellers
Often migrant women are obliged to turn to the "informal" sector to earn money. As street sellers, these women are often seen with babies on their back and their other children gathered around them. They sell fruit, cakes, various grains and sometimes chewing gum.
They work all day, without protection from the weather or access to running water and are subject to attacks from small shopkeepers, who resent their competition and the fact that they do not have to pay taxes. There is no social insurance or medical help available, no statutory hours of work or holidays. Sometimes these women are picked up by the police and forced to spend the night in the police station, along with their children.9
women who stay
The migration of husbands, fathers, or sons, leaving the women behind, can cause a serious strain on the family structure, especially when the absence becomes prolonged over several years. Not only does the separation create a distance between the migrant and his wife and family, but the ties between remaining family members break down. For example, in many cultures, brothers-in-law responsible for helping their brother's wife no longer do so.'°
There is also the burden the woman must take on of performing not only her own work, but that of her absent husband as well. The woman often cannot bear up under the weight of this double burden, and so falls back to subsistence farming. This in turn creates a problem if there is a need for cash and the migrant sends back little or no remittance. At some point it may become necessary for the woman too to migrate, abandoning the farm and perhaps leaving the children with relatives.
One South African woman, after many hungry months without receiving money from her husband, left her children with relatives and borrowed money to go looking for her husband. When she found that he had begun living with another woman, her shame and penniless state kept her from returning home. Unable to go back home, and illegally in the city, she was forced to "take boyfriends" in order to survive.11
prostitution and tourism
For many women, like this South African woman, who migrate from rural areas to the city, prostitution is the final, and for some the only, means of survival. The story of Noi from Thailand speaks for others in her situation as well as for herself. Noi is twenty years old, and looks for clients independently in the evenings in the cafes while working in a battery factory during the day. "I get 25 baht per day but this is not enough to cover my expenses. How could this be enough to pay for my rent, my food, my bus tickets and other expenses, and 1 can tell you, I am thrifty." Noi's eight brothers and sisters live with their parents, peasants from Yutthaya, whose only means of sustenance comes from Noi. "I have to find work at night so that I can send money to my parents. I don't live in a a brothel so that I can be free to go to work during the day"12
Often women who have fled rural poverty only to be forced into prostitution by urban unemployment, are also victims of the double standard. Women who have been raped, jilted, or taken advantage of no longer fit the chaste wife-mother-sister ideal and are ostracized by nearly all sectors of society.
The vulnerable position of the hundreds of thousands of such women has not passed unnoticed. In many Asian countries, especially the Philippines, Thailand, South Korea, Indonesia, and Sri Lanka, an entire industry — sex tourism — has sprung up to exploit it to the fullest.
Thailand is a world full of extremes and the possibilities are limitless. Anything goes in this exotic country. Especially when it comes to girls. Yet visitors to Thailand cannot always find the exciting places where they can indulge in unknown pleasures. It is frustrating to have to ask the hotel receptionist in broken English where you can pick up pretty girls. Rosie Travel has come up with the answer. For the first time in history you can book a trip to Thailand with erotic pleasure included in the price...13
In Japan all the big travel agencies handle large tours, especially to South Korea, where "kisaeng" (meaning prostitute) parties are automatically included in the price. Small and medium-sized companies send their employees on "rest and recreation" holidays there, and the number of male Japanese tourists to South Korea has nearly trebled in the last 10 years.
Another factor in the growth of the sex tourism industry is the presence of US military bases in the South East Asian region. One example is the Subic Bay Naval Base in the Philippines. While city officials and business operators claim that the R & R (rest and recreation) industry is plain entertainment, a number of city ordinances and other forms of collaboration by the city, clearly reveal organized prostitution taking place. For example, the city government maintains and operates a social hygiene clinic which certifies whether or not an entertainer is free from VD and other communicable diseases. In addition, there is an anti-streetwalking ordinance which considers soliciting customers in the streets punishable, but not soliciting customers inside the clubs. This assures business operators the incomes from various fees involved in selling women — "ladies drinks," the price of the company of a woman in the bar and "bar fines," the price of taking her out of the club.
Bar fines, however, are only a fraction of the money generated by the sale of women to foreign tourists. Sources in the business report that the men on tour pay an average of $60 for one night with a woman. A rough breakdown looks like this: clubowners - $15, tour operator - $15, local guide - $10, Japanese guide — $10, the women themselves receive between $4.25 and $5.75 from the owner's share. Often they do not get even this much, because club management imposes fines for improper dress, smoking, drinking, tardiness, and other arbitrary infractions.'14
And there are others who profit from the sex tourism industry, in the Philippines alone in 1977 over 200,000 Japanese visitors spent an average of nearly $55 a day on food, drink, shopping, and lodging. Further, in this last category, hotels charge not only for rooms but under a "joiner pass" system require payment of $10 for the right to bring a woman into these rooms. One source reports that a major' hotel in the Philippines has admitted to making 40 percent of its gross income from the 'joiner" system.'15
Clearly the industry is a very lucrative one. The World Tourism Organisation estimates the income from international tourism in 1980 at US$75 billion — a sum which represents the highest figure of world trade. In Thailand tourism is the third highest source of currency earnings, bringing in more than US$220 million. Rice provides US$290 million and sugar US$260 million. The present estimate of income from tourism in South Korea is nearly US$300 million. In the Philippines the tourist industry has grown from a negligible dollar earner in the 1960's to the fourth largest source of foreign exchange in the late 1970's. In 1977 tourism brought in over US$300 million, US$262 million more than in 1972. For these countries tourism is seen as a major source of foreign currency which they so desperately need.'16
A parallel can be drawn here with the remittances which migrant workers send back to their families. In 1978 remittances sent back to the Philippines totaled $374.3 million, second only to the $620 million earned that year from coconut oil, and was estimated to have reached a billion dollars by the end of 1979.17
For the women involved, however, the money they earn is vital. Often it is used to support whole families. In a study of 50 "Masseuses" in Thailand, it was found that the majority sent back nearly one-half of their earnings to support their families, pay school fees for brothers and sisters to "get a better start" and find a reasonable job. And most of them also tried to save in order to eventually get out of prostitution and find training for themselves. Others, however, simply graduated to becoming agents for other masseuses.18
The situation does not stop there, though. Asian women have been seen as "good produce" for the European market, both as prostitutes and as "nice, docile wives." Businessmen have been quick to set up mechanisms for bringing Thai and other women to many European countries for use in nightclubs and hotels. The women being desperate for money and offered the promise of "a better life," are duped, exploited and left even more isolated in a country where they probably don't speak the language or have any real human contact. The marriage business is just as bad: European, Australian and Japanese agencies make catalogues with "eligible" women, touting their beauty, docility and sexiness as in a cattle market. Prices for such a wife can be anything from US$5,0008,000, none of which goes to the woman, who must consider as her payment the acquisition of a "faithful, understanding" husband. The marriage bureaux, on the other hand, are mushrooming.19
development perspective
The fundamental economic and political problems which cause patterns of migration and lead to urban slums, overcrowding, unemployment, exploitation, and impoverished land development, are complex and not easy to deal with. It is clear, though, that for many governments it is both convenient and even advantageous to leave the situation as it is or at worst even encourage it. For a poor, overcrowded country, a population which emigrates abroad in large numbers has definite advantages: discontent over unemployment is diffused, and much-needed foreign currency is brought in. Bad as the rural urban migration is within the country, as long as women can be sexually exploited there are also advantages: the tourist industry — great source of foreign exchange - flourishes, and there is no need to provide social benefits or infrastructure to the slum-dwellers or rural inhabitants since the women are providing this with their meagre earnings.
For the richer countries whose population are diminishing a marginal workforce of immigrant laborers who have no political rights and cost little in social benefits is just what is needed for industrial growth and consumerism. When economic recession looms, migrant workers can be sent back home, and immigration laws tightened up. Travel agencies in these countries can continue to flourish by capitalising on the market provided by the economic needs and vulnerability of poorer nations.
While considerable attention has been focussed over the past decade on the problem of rapidly growing cities and the attendant problems mentioned above, most development agencies "have not confronted international migration either as a problem requiring careful study or as a programatic concern."20 In addition, the smattering of projects specifically aimed at migrant workers often neglect to take the situation of women into account in the special hardships they confront as mothers, isolated domestic workers, low-skilled factory workers, or agricultural workers left behind. For example, a project designed to create jobs for men to enable them to earn a living in Guatemala rather than migrating to Mexico, assumes that working men will alleviate the hardship of their families. This ignores the existing inequality between women and men and the vital nature of women's contribution to supporting their families. It also implies that women should become dependent upon men.
Likewise, although recommendations have been made for increasing agricultural production in an attempt to counter migration to urban areas, these recommendations fail to take women specifically into account. For example, no efforts have been made to clearly set forth the status of landless women in land redistribution schemes. Furthermore, proposals for overcoming rural unemployment rely heavily on intensive production methods, demanding an increase in hours worked, which means an additional burden on already overworked women. Many rural development programmes to date, combined with massive emphasis on centralised industrial growth, have in fact been at least partially responsible for the massive displacement of people from rural to urban areas. (See chapter on Rural Development for detailed elaboration of this point.)
Recognition of the problems of domestic workers and especially prostitutes and the sex tourism industry is only just beginning. It is probably fair to say that in no way have development planners seriously considered these issues. The case of the sex tourism industry encapsulates the problems which are fundamental to women and development: women's lack of economic and educational opportunity; their role as sole income-earner for whole families and thus the imperative of earning something however it is done; their incredibly vulnerable position in a society which abuses women sexually and makes money from this and yet where women are left entirely and often solely responsible for children; the impossibility for women to organise effectively because they have to resort to work which is illegal and because they are already overworked and have no extra time. One writer even comments: "for the women whose bodies provide the balance of payments in such a development model, there is almost no concern."^' Many of the same observations may be made about domestic work, where, in addition to being isolated and providing essential but unrecognised labour, women are frequently sexually harrassed too.
It is not by chance that these issues have only recently surfaced and that development planners have overlooked them. The point made throughout this book is that development is mostly male-oriented and therefore short-sighted and totally inadequate to respond to such fundamental problems.
The women's movement has been largely responsible for bringing these issues to public attention, and it is women who are actively organising to combat this with all the means at their disposal. Examples of migrant women organising, forming unions and associations to fight for their rights, are multiplying: in Canada, Australia, some European countries and the USA, strong movements of migrant women workers now exist, and in our resources for this chapter we list and describe just some of them.
To close this chapter, however, we think it important to relate in more detail the actions which women have been taking on the sex tourism issue.
women's action
"You have money and you feel strong. You think you can use us as you like. Japanese men treat Korean women like sexual slaves." With these bitter words and an appeal of the South Korean Church Women United to their Japanese sisters, an international campaign against prostitution tourism was launched in the summer of 1973.22
Council of Japan published a position paper condemning the abuse of South Korean women by Japanese men, and this started a public awareness campaign. In December of the same year there was a demonstration at Haneda Airport in which many different women's groups participated against "kisaeng" (Korean word come to mean prostitution) tourism. Parallel demonstrations in South Korea where the kisaeng tour planes landed, strengthened the growing movement against sex tourism and by 1977 several groups formed the Asian Women's Association (AWA). AWA started publishing a magazine Aji to josei Kaiho (Asian Women's Liberation) and participated in trade union activities against the poUcies of Japanese businesses in South East Asia. In 1980 AWA published a special number of the magazine devoted entirely to sex tourism, based on considerable research and contacts with women in the countries most concerned (South Korea, Taiwan, Philippines, Thailand). This document was presented to the United Nations Women's Conference in Copenhagen in July 1980.
In September 1980 the Christian Conference of Asia sponsored an International Workshop on Tourism. It was held Manila, Philippines, in recognition of the perverse direction of the tourist industry there, and encouraged by the fact that the Assembly of the World Tourism Organization was to take place there later that month. One outcome of this meeting was a series of synchronized protest actions against organized sex tours in Asia, at the time of Japanese Premier Zuko Suzuki's visit to ASEAN countries in January 1981. Beginning in the Philippines, organizations of local and national scope endorsed a letter of protest addressed to Premier Suzuki. Groups in other countries followed suit. The letter urged Premier Suzuki firstly to make an official statement banning the organization in Japan of all sex tours, and secondly to take concrete measures against those who are party to these organized sex tours: Japanese companies and businessmen, airlines, hotels, travel agencies and tour operators.
Massive demonstrations took place throughout his tour, and the groups involved in each country began to feel a tremendous solidarity in their action. They sent support telegrams to each other and their joint action came to be known as the Third World Movement Against the Exploitation of Women (TW-MAE-W). The group went on to send a letter to the Pope before his visit to the Philippines in February 1981, asking him to denounce the degradation of women through sex tours and to recognise the link with militarization (the naval military bases which foster prostitution). A copy was sent to Messrs Reagan, Suzuki and Marcos. Actions and publicity continue, and already TW-MAE-W reports that their actions have led to the following tangible results:
- According to the statistics of the Japan Immigration Bureau, the number of male Japanese tourists who visited the Philippines declined sharply, from 14,699 to 11,998 or 18% in March, 19.7% in April, and 24.6% in May, compared to figures of the previous year. (Depthnews, 17 Sep 81)
- In Thailand, there was a drastic decline of 94% or from 20,803 to 1,249 in May. (Depthnews, 17 Sep 81)
- The sharp decline in Japanese "sex tours" has forced Japan Airlines (JAL) to reduce flights to Manila from November on. Passengers from Nagoya, Osaka, and Fukuoka in the April-June period decreased by 14%, 21.4%, and 34% respectively. Drops were remarkable in package tours that have been actively used by people who wanted to make love cheaply. (AFP telex)
- The advertisements for Southeast Asian tours in the Tokyo dailies no longer make allusions to the beautiful ladies of Manila or Chiang Mai but instead feature seashores and mountains, meant to be read by office ladies rather than male customers. (Daily Express, 17 Sep 81
- Big hotels are facing financial difficulties because of the big drop in room occupancy. (DE, 18 Sep 81)
- Restaurants and cocktail lounges in the so-called tourist belt in Ermita have reported low income. (DE, 18 Sep 81)
- Suspected fronts for prostitution have temporarily closed shop for lack of business. These are beauty parlors, exclusive night clubs, which actually are pick-up points for prostitutes. (DE, 18 Sep 81)23
Action cannot stop at attempting to end sex tours, however. The problem is much more complex, and any campaign against prostitution tourism can so easily be transformed into a moralistic campaign against prostitution in general - thus putting the blame back onto women in general and Asian women in particular. One woman from the TW-MAE-W group, speaking to European women points to another aspect: "There is obviously something radically wrong with your society when your sex problems have to be exported to the Third World. You can support our struggle by publicizing what your men are doing and by taking action against the travel agencies involved."24
Some West German women's groups have taken up the challenge. In February 1980 two religious groups — the Evangelical Women of Germany and the German Catholic Women's Society wrote an open letter to German travel agencies, with copies to journalists, suggesting that they were carrying out a racist and sexist form of exploitation with their package tours. The Women's World Day of Prayer collected more than 120,000 signatures protesting against sex tourism. They demanded that (1) German money for development be allocated to constructing alternative ways of earning money for Thai women, (2) an end to the body business in Thai women within the Federal Republic of Germany, and (3) condemnation of German travel agencies organising sex tours to Thailand.
This is just a beginning. Much more needs to be done to attack the roots of the problem, but at least there is some public awareness of the issue. As women we will have to continue relentlessly, and perhaps if this issue is taken up as a major development question the fundamental issues of global sexism can be addressed.
Footnotes
1 Migration Today, no. 25, 1979, p. 7.
2 Filipina Workers (Geneva: World Council of Churches, 1980), p. 7.
3 Women, issue on migrant women, 1979, p. 25.
4 U. S. News and World Report, 14 January 19 80, p. 7 3.
5 Perception, September/ October 1979, p. 34.
6 New Statesman, 21 - 28 December 1979, p. 972.
7 ISIS International Bulletin, no. 14, 1980, p. 22.
8 Filipina Workers, p. 7.
9 Danda Prado, "Women and Migration in Latin America," ISIS no. 14, 1980, p. 15.
10 Elsa Chaney, Women in International Migration (Washington DC: Agency for International Development, 1980), p. 14.
11 Migration Today, no. 24, p. 26
12 Bangkok Post. 27 August 1977.
13 From an advertisement for Rosie Reisen (Rosie Travel) cited in ISIS no. 13, 1979, p. 9. 14 A. Lin Neumarm, "Hospitality Girls in the Philippines," ISIS no. 13, 1979, p.
14. A. Lin Neumann, "Hospitality Girls in the Philippines," ISIS no. 13, 1979, p. 14.
15 Ibid.
16 Jane Cottingham, "Sex Included," Development Forum, vol. 9 no. 5, June 1981.
17 Filipina Workers, p. 47.
18 Pasuk Phongpaichit, Rural Women in Thailand: from Peasant Girls to Masseuses (Geneva: International Labour Office, 1980).
19 Ekkehard Launer, "Asiatinnen auf Abzahlung," Entwicklungspolitische Korrespondenz, no. 5, 1981, pp. 18-22.
20 Elsa Chaney, Women in International Migration, p. 28.
21 Renate Wilke, "Sexuelle Abenteuerferien," Entwicklungspolitische Korrespondenz, no. 5, 1981, p. 3. This entire issue is entitled "Sexploitation: das GeschSft mit asiatischen Frauen," and is one of the sources used as a basis for the section below on "women's action," especially the article by Renate Wilke entitled "'Wir brauchen Eure Wut'- Widerstand gegen Prostitutionstourismus."
22 Ibid., p. 12. See also TW - MAE - W Action Bulletin, which deals entirely with the issue of sex tourism and women's action against it.
23 TW - MAE - W Action Bulletin, no. 5, November 1981, p. 1. 24 Entwicklungspolitische Korrespondenz, no. 5,1981, p. 14.
24 Entwicklungspolitische Korrespondenz, no. 5,1981, p. 14.