Media as Manipulation
The transnational order and its feminine model — a study of women's magazines in Latin America. Adriana Santa Cruz y Viviana Erazo, Editorial Nueva Imagin, 1980, Mexico.
This recently published book presents a picture of the way in which the transnational structure of communication plays on the culture of the region in order to involve and alienate Latin American women, through the message carried by women's popular magazines
A thorough study by the authors shows how the transnational power system promotes particular images — those which benefit certain economic interests. One of these is the "feminine model", cultivated and manipulated through communications systems. Here popular women's magazines play a fundamental role, directed specifically at the urban middle classes who are in fact the end point of all transnational processes, both ideological and consumer.
Publicity is the financial force which sustains popular women's magazines (and so many other media) and is analysed here as one of the factors determining the formal and ideological content of these magazines. It is exhaustively dealt with in the second chapter of the book. Concerning the overall contents of these women's magazines, the authors demonstrate here how they reflect a culture which presents women as "sentimental, subdued and trivial".
Women's magazines promote transnational products and at the same time depict styles of consumption which become more and more imitative and dependent. The success of this economic model depends on mass consumption of an enormous quantity of products, a lifestyle and culture based on consumerism, and an image of women as functional — to be used to the utmost by the system. This functionality of women with respect to the system appears on several levels:
- as consumers (responsible for 75-85% of private consumer decisions)
- as wife and chief sustainer of the nuclear family
- as a productive, cheap reserve labour force
- as the most susceptible receiver of cultural values put across by the mass media, advertising etc. and at the same time, transmitter of culture (education of children etc.)
- transformed into an object, she is a powerful decoy for the promotion of consumer goods.
- as a reserve political force, activated only when the established order is threatened.
The model is someone who respects uncritically and with pleasure the norms of a society which in fact is alienating her. In this way, this kind of publicity is used not only to sell products, but also to sell pleasant life styles, ways of feeling and thinking wrfiich readers accept, taking for reality something which is created by the ideological machinery; it sells a certain perception that a woman should have of herself and her environment; it sells a kind of rationality which defines what the reader should take to be good and bad, desirable and undesirable, acceptable and unacceptable. The possibility of her integrating herself into a society ruled by these values, will be determined by her respect for these norms which are presented to her as universal. Her rebellion would signify not only someone incapable of functioning in the system, but also
someone capable of rebutting society.
This unthinking acceptance is what has made urban middle class women — the main target of this kind of communication — to act in support of the existing ideology and as an enemy to any thing which might bring about change. In this context, we think that chapter four of this book, entitled "women as an obstacle to change" is extremely important, and we therefore reproduce a shortened version
Women as an obstacle to change
On 6 January 1974, the Washington Post published an article called 'The Brazilian Connection". It said: "Women are a most effective political weapon... they have
time, and a great capacity, to develop emotion and mobilize themselves rapidly. For example, if you wanted to spread a rumour that"the president has a drinking problem"
or "his health is not good", you would use women. The following day the rumour would be all over the country... Women are the most directly affected by leftwing economics
and politics which create a lack of supplies in the shops. The women will complain at home and can poison the atmosphere. And, of course, there are the wives of military
men and politicians." (cited by Gabriela Plankey)
The part played by the "ideal" woman as an obstacle to change within the established political and social order is the final element that completes the "ideal" model of the feminine roles, so vital to the maintenance and reproduction of the system. In addition, it provides a powerful reason why this system should not change its politics in respect to the duties which the woman should discharge in her family and in society
We've already pointed out how women's availability and susceptibility
through being captives in their own homes have
been well used by the system to give them a function — even
glory — within the consumer doctrine. It is known that women,
much more than men, are exposed to the influence of the
mass media, particularly radio, TV and magazines targetted
specially at them. This means that women will be the first
to take interest in the "wonders" of any new product and
they will thus be the greatest influence on whether the product
is bought or not. It is also known that, in order to keep
women secluded, it is necessary to exaggerate certain "machisto"
traditions or to give the impression that the woman is
liberated, by a few changes. For example, if the necessity to
go to work is imminent, it is not too much to make her feel
guilty here and there so that she can scarcely bear to leave
home. It is also known, that it is precisely by sublimating all
physical and spiritual activities that might arise in this secludedscenery that women won't rebel. Finally, it has been established that women's frustrations and fears, their state of being semichildlike and dependent, can be clearly channelled for the system when it wants to sell: sell products, ideas, continuity or panic that some enemy force could alter this tiny world in some way.
In the same way, the system has clear and direct policies visa- vis the female work force which is getting larger and larger. The tactic used is to trap women into being consumers who, determined to fulfil real or fictitious needs, and convinced that they can only be fulfilled within the system, become the faithful guardians of the ruling structure. These are the factors which the system takes into account when it defines the social destiny of its female pawns
Women's magazines show no obvious signs of politics; on the contrary, they seem rather to be a de-politicizing force with regard to women's active participation in this field. This is not a conclusion which emerges only from the scanty pages, and frivolity with which a few sociopolitical or economic themes are dealt, but fundamentally from a total lack of desire on the part of these magazines to actively participate in politics, and in the lack of stimulus to take women out of a compromise rooted in daily existence.
Nonetheless, this de-politicization is only apparent. Women's magazines, as effective vehicles for promoting an entire system, systematically help to shape an ideology which supports it and reproduces it. The mechanisms work at the ideological rather than the political level. In this way, when "serious subjects are touched upon, as for example the most recent meeting of famous chancellors in Santiago de Chile (on which X Vanidades published an article in September 1976, 6 months old, as though it was news), Kissinger is presented as a "star" who only drinks mineral water; Nancy Kissinger is in the clear — "she is a perfect wife because she always takes second place"; Alejandro Orfila, general secretary of the OEA is noted for a supposed idyll with Jacqueline Kennedy; and the chancellor of Jamaica, by chance opposed to imperialism, is depicted as a "picturesque" gentleman who "never removed his hand-woven woollen cap, or a cigar which remained between his lips." In passing, the housewife is informed that the delegates consumed 8,400 luncheons, 4,500 cartons of yoghurt and 600 litres of milk and that they showed a great penchant for the desserts. And, as an additional tid-bit it is reported to the "protectress of family health" that 92% of the 1500 participants at the assembly had colds or colitis (stomach bugs)
Underlying this language which seems inoffensive and apolitical, there is publicity for personalities who represent particular ideologies and political positions. They approve of certain people and scorn others, without ever referring to their positions. Kissinger and Orfila, for example, are two of the people who enjoy international "jet-set" publicity. Approbation for their political conduct is implicit.
However, in recruiting women towards determined ideological positions, chronicles of this type clearly contain the most salient points for transmitting the ideology which is implicit in the entire magazine. In fact, in each section and through the visual and verbal language, a certain system of values is promoted, along with life styles and aspirations, which are the seed of potential politics which can be activated in times of crisis, to defend the established order.
For a system which counts upon this reserve political force of women, it would indeed be dangerous to draw them out of their passivity and introduce them to political struggles. Once outside their microcosms, and exposed to the causes and effects of this struggle, women would become conscious of the elements which shape the basis of the system, and in consequence, would become potential critics aware of the use that can be made of them by those sectors inclined towards change. This marginalization from political life is a phenomenon which occurs in a similar way in the military. The army is also a force which is educated by the system basically on an ideological level and, as with women, acts as a reserve for those moments when the system feels threatened.
The experience of Chile is an example which, more than others, has given exposure to these objectives. In the case of the middle class Chilean woman, facts which appear isolated are the most logical consequence of everything that has so far been said in this study.
Recalling the situation which preceded the military coup of 1973, it is clear that these two reserve forces — the military and the women — who had been marginalized from the business of politics — were mobilized by reactionary sectors to contribute to the downfall of Salvador Allende's popular government. It was later seen that the women were decisive in bringing about the military intervention and in provoking the resignation of the constitutional general in chief, Carlos Prats.
In Chile, until the victory of the Popular Unity Party, the situation of women had been basically a function of the demands and limitations which the system imposed on them.
In 1970 only 19.2% of the female population over 12 had some kind of paid activity outside the home. About 40% of these women worked as domestic servants, 5% in some kind of management position, and only 19% were labourers — i. e. only 3.6% of the total female population over 12 years of age.
Thus the bulk of the female population corresponded to the "Woman at home" image,
"had been the object of a complete and sure process of imbibing ideology, whose aim and result was to transform them into a mass which is against social contradictions, and to separate them totally from the phenomenon of class struggle." (Michele Matterlart).
From this it will be easy to see how, when it was time to sell terror and sedition, the system directed its campaigns primarily to its female clientele.
Between November 1970 and June 1972 El Mercurio, the daily newspaper most representative of the Chilean bourgeoisie, dedicated 121 editorials to women. On Channel 13, the block of afternoon programmes for women, traditionally meant to entertain and advise housewives, became a potent focus for sedition, along with certain women's magazines (such as Eva). Radio programmes controlled by the bourgeoisie took on an exactly similar role. Together, they orchestrated a careful campaign directed towards instilling terror into housewives and later, to bring them out into the streets to defend what were depicted as their interests. The housewife was led to believe that it was her acquired power which was being affected, that her children would die of hunger or be "robbed" by the "marxist State". She was told that marxism was sordid, and it was painted all grey; that she would have to wear a uniform, without make-up, that there would be no more hair-colouring and she would lose all her attractiveness;
that the sacred initimacy of her home would be invaded by the necessity to share it with other families; that her children's education would amount to brainwashing; that because of scarcity she would not be able to shine as a housewife; that she would spend her life queuing up. In other words, she was being told that the imperatives of "Femininity" could not befulfiled. The "natural female" would be limited and find it impossible to satisfy her "legitimate aspirations". She would not be able to look at herself or the world around her as she had before. In short, the campaign of terror centred on the vulnerable target of women who are housewives and mothers
The success ofthis operation was absolute. The women of the bourgeoisie and other sectors thus mobilized, were present at all the critical moments from the "march of the saucepans" to the demonstration in front of General Prats' house — which led him to resign and thus opened up the way for the military coup. Once this had happened, the same female sectors identified themselves emotionally with the projects of "reconstruction " as they were called.
If the case of Chile demonstrates the phenomenon extremely clearly, there are other indications in Latin America showing how women of the urban middle classes have previously played a role in stopping the process of social and political change.
Frequently along with the church, (which has traditionally allied itself with bourgeois interests) raising up religious standards, (more than political banners), women were used to initiate movements which ended in the overthrow of various progressive presidents. Their role was always important to giveadequate backing to public opinion, so that the military could take the decisive step.
Argentina: contribution to the downfall of Juan Domingo Peron (September 1955).
Starting from the participation of the Church which was a decisive factor, women carried out a formidable action. The religious procession celebrating Corpus Christi in June was the first and perhaps only massive demonstration against Peron prior to his overthrow. It is calculated that approximately half a million people marched with veils and religious insignia: certainly not all of them were Catholic and a great majority were women.
Brazil: contribution to the overthrow of Joao Coutart (1964).
The case of Brazil is a qualitatively more important occurrence in the use of women, and it was from this experience that the later actions which were so decisive in Chile, were moulded. The overthrow of Goulart undoubtedly had its origin in the "March of the Family with God for Freedom". The president, referring to the actions of women in Belo Horizonte who, rosary in hand, had stopped the celebration of a play by Leonel Brizola, had declared, "it's not with rosaries that reforms are made". The phrase inspired many key people in the conspiracy - in particular the controversial Cunha Bueno — to organise the above march to protest against the statement of the president.
At a meeting, chaired by Concepcion Costa Neves, two hundred people were present. Amongst these were the wife of the Governor of Sao Paulo, Leonor Mendes de Barros, who guaranteed to get all the state authorities behind the demonstration. The following day she started to use a system of a telephone tree to tell all the women of Sao Paulo (a method used years later by the women of the Chilean bourgeoisie). " I'm calling at the suggestion of Leonor Mendes de Barros who requests you to come to the Plaza de la Republic on the 19th to participate in the "March of the Family for Freedom". "And could you call three other people". But in addition to the telephone calls, activists in the UCF (Union Civica Femenina) went to the gates of factories to invite the workers. On Thursday 19th, the cinemas and cafes were closed, and offices and factories stopped working at three o'clock in the afternoon. The turn out was estimated to be between 500 and 800 thousand people, and the result of the march ncouraged its organizers to have similar demonstrations in other cities like Rio de Janeiro, Belo Horizonte and Porto Alegre. On 21st March the controversial Cunha Bueno travelled to this last city, together with the women who had helped organize the march in Sao Paulo. At a meeting held in a Marian congregation it was agreed to have a march on 1st April. After this the demonstrations were transformed into "marches of victory " : Goulart had been overthrown and replaced by a military dictatorship.
The case of Brazil and Chile, and especially the latter, show how effectively the women of the urban middle classes can be mobilized to defend the established order when it runs the danger of being threatened. The mechanisms for manipulating women have been perfected, and can be repeated in all countries which are dependent on the interests of the transnational structure of power.
This power structure attempts to impose a model in which women see themselves as being at home, dependent and far away from the real class and power interests of society. Thus, although they do not belong to the bourgeosie, women constitute a mass which can be used and manipulated politically in the same way as in Chile. They can be persuaded to come out into the street, if it is necessary to "defend the right to stay at home" (Michele Mattelart). They will be docile and effective agents respecting the values which the system imposes on them in times of crises as well as in times of peace. Far from attaining real liberation of their people and breaking with the structures which oppress them, they fall into the trivial and decorative caricature of the avertisements — the Mother, used and sublimating herself for others, and kind of "boatswain" of the ship who goes against her own people and in the final analysis, creates a powerful obstacle to change.