Background
Half of the Philippines' 53 million people are women. Yet, less than two-fifths or 38.3% of the total labor force of 20.9 million are women.
More working women are excluded from the official labor force. About 8.5 million women which includes approximately 6 million housekeepers and students of working age are not included in the official labor force.
Of these 8 million women in the labor force, only about 7 million are employed although suffering from underemployment and the others are classified as "unpaid family workers".
As such, there are more women considered as unemployed or suffering from various degrees of unemployment.
In a country where export-oriented industrialization, a favored strategy of the United Nation's Development Organization (UNIDO), the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund or the IMF has favored multinational corporations or foreign investors in exploiting the women workers and controlling the labor situation.
Cheap labor costs and regulated unionism are among the main incentives offered for the entry of foreign investments. Free Trade Zones were set up to lure foreign investors into the country at the expense of workers — both men and women.
In the Philippines, therefore, a high unemployment rate or the presence of a vast reserve army of labor, especially among the women, has allowed foreign investors to easily control the labor situation through the help of a puppet government or an oppressive dictatorship.
Hence, we find in the Philippines a depressed labor situation which is reflected in low wages, substandard working conditions, job insecurity, insufficient social security, and weak unionism.
Suffering the most from the present economic crisis, the workers are now being made the victims of an economic recovery program of the government especially with its IMF-imposed wage-freeze policy.
However, the Filipino workers, both men and women, seeing that nothing would happen if they stand and suffer in silence have banded together in order to protest and fight for their legitimate rights and aspirations inspite of the many restrictions imposed by the US-backed Marcos dictatorship.
Today, the Filipino workers are getting successful in their organizing efforts and concerted actions. Such that national issues, economic or political, are discussed with the Filipino workers' voices being heard.
While the Philippine labor movement carries with it conflicting orientations and methodologies, there is an increasing trend towards unity and militancy.
Up to the early 1950's, militant trade unionism dominated until the states crack down on the Congress of Labor Organization (CLO), then the center for militant trade unionism in the country.
This crackdown started the re-orientation of Philippine trade unionism towards purely "bread and butter issues" waged mainly at the plant level through the American System of Collective Bargaining.
With the total strike ban in 1972 by the Martial Law Regime, the workers were left with no recourse in solving their grievances other than the government-sponsored compulsory arbitration system.
However, in October 1975 La Tondera workers broke the 3-year silence with a strike. The action openly defied the government strike ban in spite of strikers being hauled en masse to a military camp.
A worsening economic crisis and massive state repression has favored the resurgence of militant unionism.
The workers could not turn to TUCP or the Trade Union Congress of the Philippines knowing its close tie-up with the Martial Law Regime since its formation in 1974. Traditional unions and federations couldn't help fully due to government restrictions.
As a recourse, the workers turned to militant, genuine trade union organizers, increasingly, workers staged militant mass actions and founded militant organizations.
The Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU or the May First Movement) as a proponent of genuine, militant and nationalist unionism became the articulator of workers' demands and aspirations in these trying times of crisis and repression. Since its establishment in May 1980, the KMU had led the resurgence of militant unionism and had gained effective leadership over the labor movement.
However, issues concerning women workers were not taken up then by the trade unions and the KMU.
It was always assumed that women workers' problems were subordinate to workers problems and not relevant to the present labor movement.
However, in 1979 concerned women labor organizer started discussing the need to take up the issues on women workers. Unfortunately, most of the active contacts who were potential organizers for women workers are developed in the process as active trade union leaders. Here, the problem of priority comes in.
Unresolved issue then was the need for a women workers' movement at a time when the majority of the workers are not organized under genuine trade unions. There was great debate on the need for a separate women workers' movement to particularize their problems as distinct to the general workers' problems. Was there a parallel movement between the general labor movement and a women workers' movement? Will the organization of a women workers' movement complicate or confuse the role of women in trade unions? Will it help mobilize the women in both economic and political issues relevant to the times?
Organization of a women workers movement
The economic and political crisis in the Philippines has brought about greater suffering to the majority of the Filipino people. Most affected are the workers especially the women. Wages have not risen to cope with devaluations/inflation. Trade union repression from the government through the puddings of both local and foreign investors has further worsened the plight of workers especially in the picket lines. They have been beaten up, arrested and/or "salvaged" (summary executions).
Substandard working conditions, job insecurity, poor living conditions, low wages and trade union repression has served as a positive impetus for the emergence of active, militant and genuine trade unionists among the ranks of the women in the garments, electronics, textile, food and tobacco industry. As a result, more and more women became trade union leaders not only in their own factories but also in alliance and federations. The 80's has found more women assuming leadership in trade unions. Still, a bigger number of women workers are wanting in organizing and mobilizing experience.
As such, in 1983 concerned women labor organizers together with women trade unionists discussed and planned for the women workers' organization in the industrial sector as follow-up of initial discussions and debates way back in 1979.
This organization was then known as Women Industrial Workers' Alliance or WIWA. It was composed mainly of women trade unionists from unions in the Food Terminal Area Complex, some parts of Pasig and a few from the Novaliches area. However, WIWA only became functional as an alliance of unions in the industrial sector wherein majority are women. These were joined by trade unions from the garments and textile industry.
Since the women workers who participated were mainly active trade unionists, priorities to them became a major problem or a setback to WIWA. Most often, union matters had to be attended to first and thereby segregating the women workers' problems or issues as separate to the general union issues.
Therefore, an assessment on the organizing efforts, need and direction of the women workers' movement was initiated. Research and social investigation on specific women workers' problems were conducted. Dialogues with labor groups and women's groups were held. Talks with some people from the Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU or the May First Movement) ensued. Discussions with women workers were initiated through fora and seminars.
At first there was skepticism on the need, role and functions of the women workers' movement. There was a general feeling that the women workers were just active before the March 8 International Women's Day of Protest. There was a general feeling that these efforts were just done as a response to the International Decade for Women or as a response to the growing popularity of women organizations.
Hence in early 1984, women workers under WIWA decided on eventually establishing a Women Workers' Movement (KMK or the Kilusan Ng Manggagawang Kababaihan) which can effectively convince and mobilize not only unionized women but also unorganized women in the manufacturing and services sector who are still in the process of establishing their own trade unions.
It was hoped that providing another vehicle for training women workers in leadership and mobilization can help facilitate organizing work for structural changes. As such, the Women Workers' Movement's membership increased.
The original concept was for KMK to organize women only in the manufacturing and services sector except professionals and not include women workers in the agricultural sector. However, after the February 9-10, 1985 founding congress, KMK chapters were formed by women agricultural workers in Bacolod City who launched their activities before March 8,1985.
KMK's realization of the big number of salaried women in the agricultural sector (approximately 370,000), the need to organize and mobilize there would be essential in order to really project the women workers' cause in Philippine society.
Rationale for a separate Women Workers Movement
The women workers' movement is a mass organization of women workers in the manufacturing, services and agricultural sector for the full emancipation of woman from class and gender oppression.
Women workers are exploited as workers and experience oppression as women. Here, problems as women are felt as a member of the working class in Philippine society.
As experienced in the last decade, women workers' problems were not articulated by labor groups in spite of the growing number of women in assembly lines as well as services. Problems as women were shelved in order to accommodate more important trade union issues like wage increase, as if the women workers' problems are not connected to union's problems. The women workers felt, therefore, that they themselves can articulate their demands better through a movement. Here, we can tackle problems both as women and as workers.
The strategy of KMK concentrates on general workers' issues which deal with trade union repression, low wages, job insecurity and poor working conditions as well as specific women workers' issues like discrimination in gainful employment, sexual abuse and harassment, full payment and increase in the number of days for maternity leaves, immediate release of women worker detainees, implementation of legislated services for women like nurseries or day care centers in factories wherein majority are women workers, health and safety especially to women in their reproductive years, justice to families of slain women workers in the picket lines and many others.
To ensure strong mobilizations to take up both local and national women workers' issues, self-reliant and active chapters in Luzon, Visayas and some centers in Mindanao are now being organized.
Methods of organisation
KMK proposes two methods to organize these chapters.
1. For those with unions which are classified as genuine trade unions (GTU) or influenced by GTUs, a Women's Committee is formed through a board resolution stating that the union encourages its women worker members to join and actively participate in KMK's efforts and activities.
As soon as the Women's Committee is formed, education work follows. This education program aims to make the women workers in each factory or establishment to understand fully the women orientation which explains who the Filipino women are, the basic conditions of the majority of the women in the Philippines, the historical roots of women's oppression and how they are oppressed. Furthermore, this education program tries to relate the women orientation in general to the principles and objectives of KMK.
To ensure the development of women workers in leadership, training sessions on organizing, speaking, writing and management are conducted.
Committee systems are encouraged to ensure full participation of each and every member of KMK chapters. This way the Women's Committee of the union (or the KMK chapter) helps consolidated the women membership of the union through its activities.
The tasks of the Women's Committee of the union (the KMK chapter) is to lead and pursue the demands of the women workers in the factory and organize the women membership in union struggles, investigate the specific conditions of the women workers in their factory, educate their membership, plan for campaigns which could benefit the women workers like the implementation of laws on day care centers as provided for in the labor code and organize the women workers in adjacent factories/establishments into KMK chapters.
2. For those without unions or with yellow unions, a chapter is established when five members have agreed to work together as a legitimate chapter and agree to the basic principles and objectives of KMK. Its primary task is to expand membership and mobilize the women in its activities.
However, in those factories which are still in the process of establishing a union, tasks of the chapter are focused on the establishment of the genuine trade union and expansion of its membership which could expedite the formation of a genuine trade union.
A special committee just for union organizing is set up to undertake the task of organizing this genuine trade union, so that, women organizing would not be left out or affected.
Since KMK's strategy on a long-term basis is structural change, mobilizations also on economic, political issues are further encouraged. "Parliament of the streets" takes a major role in the tempering of women workers to face the very same structures which exploit them — whether on the local level or on the national level.
The highest form of involvement which the women workers can achieve is sustained in active participation in the Strike Movement or "the Welgang Bayan" (Peoples' Strike).
Pickets, rallies, symposia, fora, delegations which encourages the strength of concerted actions are other forms of involvement which the KMK chapters pursue to maximize education and mobilization.
KMK has full-time organizers in the National Capital Region and in the other cities which have set up chapters. Each organizer is assigned its primary task and secondary tasks.
In a span of three months, its is expected that women worker leaders have undergone some training in order to facilitate organizing work. In as much as there are only a few full-time organizers of KMK, strategic factories and establishments are chosen
on the basis of the number of women workers in the factory, their being a representative of the women workers in their particular line of industry and their impact on the women workers once developed as militant and active chapters.
Coordination with other organisations
KMK further coordinates efforts with other service centers like the Women's Center in Metro Manila which assists organizing efforts of women workers in Metro Manila and other parts of the Philippines.
Education programs, training, researches needed for organizing purposes are requested of the Center which has also four full-time staff. Audio-visual aids are also prepared by the Center to facilitate education work among the women workers.
The Center also assists KMK in producing documentation needed in its day to day functions.
Other institutions and organizations like the Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU) or the May First Movement is tapped in order to provide easy access to mobilizations among the workers.
Finances are secured through the chapters' members, other institutions and organizations willing to support KMK's education program and organizing work.
KMK is also hoping to establish day care centers and nurseries which can help directly women involved in organizing work. Other socio-economic activities which can help consolidate organizing efforts will also be pursued.
So far, organizing women for structural change as a long term objective is correct.
Short-term objectives have been met through the existence of a women workers' organization capable of undertaking its own organizational problems and mobilizations. Women worker leaders have emerged as part of the training which they had gathered from KMK. Even in the trade union centers, KMK's importance as a representative of the women worker's movement is fast gaining prominence.
The Chairperson of KMK is also a National Council Member of the KMU or the May First Movement. A Women's Affairs Department has been established by KMU in coordination with KMK to look into the consolidation of its women worker members.
Evaluations have not been made. However, preliminary assessments prove to the fact that women become more active through the women organizations in their factories. There is a consolidating effect which greatly helps the union in pursuing its objectives.
In order to strengthen the organization, more full-time organizers should be fielded to organize other important factories/establishments. Education programs should be carried out in a faster pace in order to maximize all efforts. Hence, full-time instructors are needed who can move around the Philippines.
In this aspect, funds are urgently needed. KMK has yet to raise the necessary resources for future activities.
Since KMK is a mass organization of women workers in manufacturing, services, and agricultural workers, it attends to both KMU and non-KMU affiliates.
However, the women's section of KMU which has been established recently coordinates with KMK in specific organizing and mobilizing activities. Each organization has its own program, structure and dynamism.
In relation to GABRIELA, a coalition of different women's organizations in the Philippines, KMK maintains its independence and initiative akhough coordinates on specific issues and programs as one of its member organization. But, since KMK is a nationwide organization with functions as a movement, it can mobilize on national as well as specific women workers' demands.
Perspective
With its initial membership of 5,000 in the National Capital Region, the next six months will prove crucial to the establishment of KMK chapters all over the Philippines.
In the future, more full-time organizers for women workers will help in the struggle for the full emancipation of women from class and gender oppression.
An intensification of women workers' problems in the next few months will be initiated as a response to growing state repression and militarization.
Reference
1. The Philippines Trade Unionism: a situationer, published by Institute for Labor Researcher and Documentation, Inc. (ILRD) Vol. 1 No. 2 Second Quarter, 1985.
2. KMK primer, 1985.
3. Women's Center, 1985 (unpublished reports).
Before working with the Women's Center, Jing Porte worked with the Center Studies as researcher. She has also worked with the Committee for Asian Women ordinating exchange and training programs for women workers in Southeast